Hawiye in modern Somalia

 qaali-jiif

Captain Axmad Xaaji Gacal (Axmaday)

Director General of the Somali Shipping Agency Captain Ahmad Xaaji Gacal

A) has graduated from Alexandria Nval Accademy of Egypt ( 1962-1965) and obtained B.A in Naval Science.

He is one of the Somali Navy founding fathers.

B) Graduated from Baku Naval Institute in Russia (1967-1969) and obtained Diploma in Weaponery.

C) Graduated from Naval-War Accademy (1972-1976), the highest Naval Institute in Russia and obtained Degree in Naval Sciences.

D) Graduated from the World Maritime University in Sweden 1983-1986 and obtained Master Degree in Shipping Fleet Management.

Jobs: served in the Navy till 1977.

1977 – 1982 served as Sea Captain on ships of special livestock carriers and general cargo ships.

He was the General Manager of Somali Shipping Agency & Line till the collapse of the system in 1990.

Captain Ga’al was born in 1945 and is married to a business woman namely: Lul Ali Islaweyn and have a 24 years old son named “Abdi Hamid:” who is currently studying at the London University.

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Taariikh nololeedkii Cumar Xassan Maxamuud “Cumar Istarliin”

Cumar Istarliin wuxuu sanadkii 1928-kii uu ku dhashay Magaalada Muqdisho ee dalka Soomaaliya, waxbarashadiisa aasaasiga ahna wuxuu ku qaatay Magaalada Muqdisho, isagoo ka soo qalin jebiyey dugsigii siyaasadda.

Sanadku markuu ahaa 1947-kii Cumar Istarliin wuxuu ku biiray Ururkii Dhallinyarada ee SYL, iyadoo daacadnimada halgankiisa darteedna uu Gumeysigii Ingiriiska xabsiga u taxaabay sanadku markuu ahaa 1949-kii.

Sanadku markuu ahaa 1950-kii wuxuu nasiib u yeeshay inuu ka mid noqdo Guddigii Arrimaha Bulshada ee Ururka SYL, waxaana xusid mudan in sanadkii 1954-kii uu ka mid noqday Golahii Dhexe ee SYL xilligaas oo ku beegnaa markii uu Cabdullaahi Ciise madaxda ka ahaa dowladdii daakhiliyada.

Sanadku markuu ahaa 1963-kii wuxuu Cumar Istarliin doorasho dimoqraadi ah ku soo galay Golahii Shacabka ee deegaanka Xamar isagoo ka soo galay xisbigii Leegada ee uu ku jirey.

10-kii Bishii Febraayo sanadkii 1966-kii wuxuu ku guuleystay doorashadii Duq Magaalo Muqdisho, isagoo muddadii uu xilkaas hayey Magaalada ka qabtay howlo waxtar u leh bulshada Soomaaliyeed sida ceelal uu sameeyey, dhismayaal kala duwan sida jidad ay ka mid yihiin Waddada Via Makka al Mukarrama, Janaraal Da’uud iyo kuwo kale, waxaa kale oo si weyn loogu xusuustaa cabbirkiisii dhul ee loo yiqiin Cabbirka Cumar Istarliin oo dhammaa 30X20 Mitir.

Bishii Maarso ee sandkii 1969-kii ayuu si dimoqraadi ah isaga wareejiyey xilkii duq Magaalo, dabadeedna wuxuu dadaal u galay inuu soo galo isuna soo sharraxo xubin baarlamaanka, nasiib darro lix bilood kadib ayaa isaga oo ka maqan xafiiskiisa waxaa dalka ka dhacay Afgebigii uu talada dalka kula wareegay Jaalle Maxamed Siyaad Barre, waana la xiray markaas Cumar Istarliin wuxuuna xabsiga ku jirey muddo saddex bil ah, isagoo lagala wareegay hanti gaar ahaaneed oo uu lahaa.

Bishii Oktoobar sanadkii 1972-kii Jaalle Maxamed Siyaad ayaa Cumar Istarliin u musaafuriyey dalka Boqortooyada Sacuudi Carabiya iyadoo laga baqayey inuu ku lug yeesho dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed oo lagaga soo horjeesto Macallinkii Kacaanka.

Sanadku markuu ahaa 1978-kii cumar Istarlii wuxuu taageeray jabhaddi SSDF, xubin buuxda ayuuna ka noqday, wuxuuna la garab istaagay taageero hiil iyo hooba leh, markaas ayaa Siyaad Barre wuxuu maleegay shirqool uu la kaashaday madaxda Sacuudiga, lidna ku ahaa Cumar Istarliin iyo xubno kale, waxayna Boqortooyadii sacuudiga dalkeeda ka soo masaafurisay Cumar Istarliin iyo xubno uu ka mid ahaa Dr.Xasan Cali Mire, waxaana loo soo masaafuriyey dalka Kenya, iyadoo wixii markaas ka dambeeyeyna uu Cumar Istarliin ku noolaa dalkaas.

Cumar Istarliin wuxuu 2-dii bishaan ku geeriyooday Magaalada nayroobi ee dalka Kenya, halkaas oo shalay lagu aasay, iyadoo aaskiisa ay ka soo qeyb galeen madaxda qaranka Soomaaliya oo ay ugu horreeyeen Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Mudane Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed iyo Ra’iisul wasaare Prof.Cali Maxamed Geeddi.

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Taariikh nololeedkii Daa’uud Axmad Shuqul

Dr. Daa’uud Axmed Shuqul Naxariistii janno Allaha siiyee marxuum Dr. Daa’uud Axmed Shuqul wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Muqdisho 9kii bishii Maarso sanadkii

1945tii. Wuxuu waxbarashadiisa dugsiyada Hoose & Dhexe ee Jamaal C/naasir ku dhammeystay magaalada Muqdisho, Dugsigii sarena wuxuu kaga baxay magaalada Leningrad ee dalka Ruushka, halkaas oo uu sanadkii 1968dii mar kale ku dhameystay waxbarashadiisii jaamacadeed. Wuxuu dib ugu soo laabtay isla sanadkaas dalka Soomaaliya, wuxuuna shaqo ka bilaabay Isbitaal Digfeer halkaas oo uu ka shaqeynayay illaa burburkii Soomaaliya. Sanadkii 1973dii wuxuu taqasus ku sameeyay dhinaca
qalliinka lafaha dalka Jarmalka. Sanadkii 1975 waxaa abaalmarin lagu siiyay dalka
Faransiiska kulan ay ku yeesheen dhaqaarta adduunka, ka dib markii uu noqday ninkii ugu horreeyay ee Afrikaan ah ee ku guuleysta abuuritaanka lafaha burbura. Dr.Daa’uud Axmed Shuqul wuxuu isku mar ka wada shaqeeyay Isbitaallada Digfeer, Xoogga & Martiini, wuxuuna jaamacaddii Medicina ka ahaa Lucturer 1980 – 1990kii. Markii ay burburtay dowladdii dhex ee Soomaaliya wuxuu shaqo ka bilaabay Isbitaal ku yaalla magaalada Frankfort ee dalka Jarmalka sanadkii 1992dii – 1994tii. Sanadihii u dhaxeeyay 1994tii ilaa 1999kii wuxuu degganaa dalka Talyaaniga. Dhammaadkii sanadkii 1999kii wuxuu u soo guuray magaalada London ee dalka Ingiriiska, halkaas oo uu ku geeriyooday 04tii bishii Novembar 2007da, waxaana lagu aasay qabuuraha muslimiinta ee ku yaalla berriga magaalada London. Marxuumku wuxuu ifka kaga tagay 3wiil & 2 Gabdhood oo ku kala nool dalalka Ingiriiska, Mareykanka & Jarmalka. Naxariisto janno Allaha siiyo. Isha qoraalkan C/casiis ‘Xildhiban’

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Taariikh nololeedkii Sheikh Cali Maxamuud (Cali Tuure)

Wuxuu ku dhashay Tuulada Jameeco Fiddo oo 25km bari ka xigta magaalada Jowhar ee gobolka shabeellaha dhexe sanadka markuu ahaa 1925ti. Isla tuuladaas ayuu ku bartay, kuna xafiday quraanka kariimka ah,dhameystayna sannadki 1941dii. Sannadka markuu ahaa 1943dii wuxuu u soo wareegay magaalada Jowhar, halkaasoo uu ka bilaabay barashada culuumta Fiqiga Islaamka.

Sannadkii 1945 wuxuu soo galay magaalo madaxda Muqdisho, oo uu si fiican uga sii bartay Naxwaha Carabiga iyo culuumta Fiqiga masaajidka Waafle ee degmada Boondheere ku yaalla, wuxuuna wax ka aqristay Sheekh Xuseen Cadde, Sheekh Yuusuf Macallin Xasan Muudeey iyo sheekh Muxiddiin Raage. 1947dii wuxuu ku biiray ururki Leegada ee SYL, wuxuuna ka mid noqday Guddiga degaanka Jowhar (Comittato Locale Di Giohar), wuxuuna ka ahaa xubin aad u firfircoon oo siyaasadda ka shaqeysa.

Sannadkii 1952dii wuxuu ku soo noqday magaalada Xamar oo uu ka bilaabay inuu ganacsi ka sameeyo kana furtay degmada Xamarweyne goob ganacsi. Isla sanadkaas wuxuu ku biiray ciidanka Ilaalada Dhaqaalaha (Guardia di Finanza) oo markaas ka jiray dalka. Isla markiiba waxaa loo furay tababar lagu baranaayo xeerka ilaalinta canshuuraha iyo dokumeentiga dekadaha. Sannadkii 1954-tii waxaa loo furay tababar kale oo sarkaalnimo toban qof oo uu ka mid yahay, nasiibdarrase waa laga saaray tababarki sabab siyaasadeed awgeeg asaga iyo saddex kale oo Abgaal ah (dhacdadi Gaala jebshe darteed).

Sannadki 1955-tii asagoo weli askari ah ayuu imtaxaan u galay Qaalinimo, waana ku guuleystay, sidaas darteed ayuuna uga tegay askarinimadi oo uu garsoore ku noqday. Bishii Jennayo 1956dii wuxuu qaali ka noqday degmada Hobyo, halkaasoo uu ka shaqenaayay ilaa bishi Juunyo 1958dii oo loo soo bedelay degmada Marka, oo uu ka shaqeynaayay ilaa iyo sannadkii 1960dii. Bishi maajo 1960kii waxaa loo soo bedelay Xamar maxkamadda gobolka Benaadir. Isla sannadkaas asagoo shaqeynaaya ayuu haddana wuxuu waxbarasho ka bilaabay iskoolki culuumta Islaamka (Diciplina Islamico) oo uu dhiganaayay afar sano oo waxbarasho caadi ah iyo laba sano oo takhasus ah. 1964tii waxaa loo magacaabay Guddoomiyaha maxkamadda rafcaanka gobolka Benaadir kaddib marki uu ku guuleystay imtaxaanki qiimeynta garsoorayasha. Isla sannadkaas wuxuu ka qeyb galay Doorashadi Xildhibaannadi barlamaanka,oo uu iska soo sharaxay degmada Jowhar, kumase guuleysan.

Sannadki 1967dii wuxuu bilaabay kulliyadda sharciga, asagoo weli kulliyaddii dhigta ayuu haddana sannadki 1969kii ka qeyb galay mar labaad doorashooyinki xildhibaannada barlamaanka ee degmada Jowhar. waana ku soo guuleystay, nasiib darrase waxaa barlamaankaas kala diray Kacaankii Maxamed Siyaad.

Sannadki 1972di wuxuu ka qalin jebiyay kulliyadda sharciga ee Jaamacadda Ummadda Soomaaliyeed. Kaddib wuxuu noqday qareen u dooda dadweynaha, ilaa iyo sannadki 1976dii

Isla sannadkaas 1976dii wuxuu aaday dalka Sacuudi Caraabiya, halkaasoo uu ka bilaabay hawlo ganacsi, kana abuuray shirkad weyn oo badeecada ka soo daabusha dalka Sacuudiga oo keenta dekadaha Soomaaliya.

1983dii wuxuu ku soo laabtay Xamar, asagoo weli ganacsiga sii wata ayuu haddana ku laabtay 1986di qarennimadi ilaa dagaalki 1990ki uu ka bilowdo.

1991di wuxuu ku biiray ururki USC, waxaana loo magacaabay Xoghayaha arrimaha gudaha ee ururka.

1993di wuxuu ka qeyb galay shirki dib u heshiisiinta Soomaaliyeed e lagu qabtay magaalada Addisababa ee dalka Itoobiya, kana qaatay door weyn oo lama ilaawaan ah.

Bishii Febbaraayo 1995ti wuxuu u soo wareegay degaan ahaan waddanka Holland

Wuxuuna laba mar ka qeybgalay shirki dib u heshiisiinta Soomaaliyeed ee lagu qabtay dalka Keenya ,bilowgi marki Eldoret lagu qabtay iyo gebagebadi marki loo soo wareejiyay Magaalada Nairobi, asagoo qeyb weyn kaqaatay ololaha lagu raadinaayay dib u heshiisiinta ummadda Soomaliyeed iyo dib u soo celinta Qaranki Soomaaliyeed ee burburay, nasiib wanaag taas hadda waxbaa ka bilaaban.

Hadda wuxuu ku sugan yahay magaalada Amsterdan ee dalka Holland oo uu sidaan kor ku soo sheegnayba degganaay laga soo bilaabo 1995ti.

Waxaan halkaas ku soo koobnay taariikh nololeedki Mudane Dr.Sheekh Cali Maxamuud Xasan.

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Taariikh nololeedkii Dr Maxamad Xassan Nuur (Jaasti)

Wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Baladwayne taariiqdu markay ahayd 1933.

Wuxuu kusoo barbaaray magaalada magaalada Muqdisho , halkaas uu ka mid noqday dhalinyaradii soomaaliyeed ee usoo halgantay xornimada soomaaliyeed ee SYL wuxuu ukicitimay dalka Talyaaniga 1953 halkaas oo uu ka soo qalinjabiyey  kuliyada Siyaasada iyo kuliyada Sharciga sandku markuu ahaa 1958.

Kadib wuxuu ku soo laabtay dalka halkaas oo uu noqday la Taliyaha koowaad ee is maamulkii Soomaaliyeed ee uu hogaaminaayey C/ciise.

Markaanu xornimada qaadanay 1960 wuxuu noqday la Taliyaha Koowaad ee Safaarada soomaaliyeed  ee Waashington , USA.

Wuxuu noqday Xildhibaan , laga soo doortay laba goor magaalada Jowhar ee gobolka Shabeelada dhexe 1964 iyo 1969.

Intii uu baarlamaanka Soomaaliyeed ka mid ahaa wuxuu qabtay jagooyin kala duwan sida , Wasiir ku xigeenka Wasaarada Beeraha, Wasiirku xigeenka Wasaarada arimaha Dibada.

1970 ilaaa iyo dagaaalkii sokeeye bilowgiisii wuxuu ku lahaa xafiis notaayo ah magaalada Muqdisho.

Dagaalkii sokeeye siduu u dhacay wuxuu ka mid ahaa odayaashii Soomaaliyeed ee ka gilgishay dhiiga Soomaaliyeed ee daadanaya , marwalbana is ku dayeye inay dalka nabad ku soo dabaalaan, arintaas oo aad u dhib badnayd hada marnaba kama aanu daalin.

Wuxuu kamid noqday Xildhibaanadii dowlad ku meel gaarka ahayd ee Carta.

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Taariikh nololeedkii halgame Prof. Ismaaciil Jimcaale

Garyaqaan, Halyeey Dr.Ismaaciil Jumcaale Cosoble, wuxuu ahaa halgame naftiisa inteeda badnayd u soo huray u halganka xaqa iyo ka soo horjeedka xaqdarrada. Wuxuuna halgankaas kharaaraa oo muddada dheer soo taxnaa ku mutaystay dhibaatooyin farabadan oo is daba-joog ah, oo leh Xabsi, Cabsi gelin, Caburin fekri, Bugto, iyo halis ahayd in loo abaabulay danbiyo si dil loogu xukumo. Hase yeeshee waxaa oo dhibaato ah oo ka horyimid, marna kama aysan weecin ujeedooyinkiisii xaqdoonka ahaa iyo jidkii dheeraa ee horyiil in uu u maro, waxaana la qumanaa inuu dadkiisa iyo dalkiisa wax u qabto.

Halyeey Ismaaciil, tabaha halgankiisa wuxuu u adeegsan jiray siyaabo badan oo kala duwan, isagoo mar kasta isticmaalayay Waddo Nabadeed (Non – Violent), dersaya, qiimaynaya hadba xaaladda la joogo iyo sida looga gudbi karo. Tabihiisa halganka waxaa ka mid ahaa:-

1. Qoraallo.

Durba markii uu soo dhamaystay waxbarashadiisa jaamacadeed ee uu ku soo qaatay kulliyada Sharciga ee Jaamacadda Roma, kana soo qalin jabiyay bishii Abril ee sanadkii 1965tii, ayaa waxa uu bilaabay inuu soo saaro Wargays la oran jiray “La Tribuna”; wuxuu wargaysku ahaa mid lagu falanqeeyo arrimihii taagnaa ee 1960meeyadii ee Dalka Soomaaliya.

Wargayska “La Tribuna” wuxuu noqday tubtii ay aqoonyahanada, waxgaradka iyo sama-jeclayaasha Soomaaliyeed ku faafin jireen afkaartooda, uguna gudbin jireen dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed gudaha iyo dibada meel ay joogaanba.

Dr. Ismaaciil wuxuu kale oo uu udub-dhexaad u haa Curintii iyo Diyaarintii Qoraalkii la magac baxay BAYAANKA KOOWAAD (Manifesto) ee 1990kii looga soo horjeeday Xukuumadii Siyaad Barre.

2. Loollan Siyaasadeed.

Si uu halgankiisa usii xoojiyo, ayaa Dr. Ismaaciil wuxuu ka qaybgalay doorashooyinkii guud ee dalka ka dhacay 1969kii. Garyaqaan Ismaaciil wuxuu doorashadaas tiradii ugu badnayd ka helay Xamar, oo markaas ahayd xarun kulmisay maskaxdii iyo dareenkii waddaniga ahaa ee dalka ugu sarreeyay.

Dr. Ismaaciil Jumcaale wuxuu markaas ku guulaystey kursigii Muqdisho ee Baarlamaanka Qaranka Soomaaliyeed ee markaas jiray. Wuxuuna doorashadaas kadib noqday Wasiirka Warfaafinta iyo Dalxiiska ee Dowladdii Rayidka ahayd ee waagaas jirtey. Dabadeed waxaa la xiray markii askartu xuikunka Dalka Qabsatay.

3. Shuruuc Diyaarin.

Intii uu Wasiirka Warfaafinta iyo Dalxiiska ahaa, wuxuu Baarlamaanka markaas jiray soo hordhigay, daafacay oo ku guulaystay, Shuruuc markii denbe la ansixiyey sharciyan, in kasta oo ayan si fiican u hirgalin, waxaana ka mid ahaa:-

· Sharci qabay in la siiyo taageero dhaqaale Wargaysyada Xorta ah, lagana ilaaliyo faragalinta iyo faaf-reebka Xukuumadda.
· Sharci dhowrayay Xuquuqda hal-abuurka qofka (Copy Right Protection).
· Sharci banaynayay in fanaaniinta soomaaliyeed samaystaan urur iyaga u gaar ah oo ay danahooda faneed ku ilaashadaan.

Shuruucdaas oo dhan, oo uu Garyaqaan Dr.Ismaaciil soo jeediyay Sharciyayntooda (in kasta oo aan loo meel marin sidii Sharcigu ahaa), wuxuu ku ilaalinayay Xuquuqda danyarta dulman oo aan iyagu lahayn awood ay isku difaacaan.

4. Maxkamadaha Hortooda.

Garyaqaan Dr. Ismaaciil alaha u naxariistee, wuxuu ku caan baxay dalka gudihiisa iyo dibadiisaba U DOODAHA DADKA DULMAN. Wuxuuna galay dacwooyin tiro badan, oo in badan oo ka mid ah uu ku guulaystay inuu badbaadiyo naf iyo maal xaq-darro lagu haystay. Taas oo uu ku mutaystay sharaf iyo magac wayn gude iyo dibadba.

Waxaana tusaale ahaan qormadaan u soo qaadan karnaa dhowr ka mid ah dacwadihii badnaa oo uu galay Garyaqaan Dr. Ismaaciil sida:-

· Dacwad Siyaasiyiin lix ah, oo lagu soo eedeeyay inay galeen denbiyo lid ku ah Xukuumaddii Maxamed Siyaad Barre.
· Dacwad lagu soo oogay koox Culumaa’udiin ah, oo lagu soo eedeeeyay inay ka horyimaadeen Sharcigii Xeerka Qoyska.
· Gabar uur leh oo la yiraahdo Safiya Xaashi Madar oo iyada oo xiran ku dhex-umushay Xabsiga Hargaysa, laguna soo eedeeyay inay ku lug lahayd arimo siyaasadeed.
· Nin qoraa Talyaani ah oo la yiraahdo Piero Petrucci oo lagu soo eedeeyay inuu aflagaado u gaystay qoyska Siyaad Barre.
· Dad Soomaali ah, oo intii uu noolaa Halyey Ismaaciil laga soo eryay Dalka Kenya, oo markaas halkan Qaxooti ku noqday kuna dar-xumaaday, oo uu Dr. Ismaaciil u doodi Jiray Xuquuqdooda.

5. Abaabul iyo Howl Gelin Waxgarad.

Waxaa tabaha howl-galka halganka Halyey Dr. Ismaaciil ka mid ahaa in uu ururiyo Dadka Soomaaliyeed intooda Samaha jecel oo leh aragti meel fog wax ka eegta, siiba Aqoonyahanada leh aragtida dheeriga ah kana danqanayey dhibaatada ku habsatay Dadkooda iyo Dalkooda, wax garad iyo waayo arag wanaag-doon ah, dhalinyarada oo uu u arkayey rajadii Soomaalida Cusub ee berrito, intooda leh waayo aragnimo dugsan baraarug waddaniyadeed iyo damiir xaq dhowr.

Halyeey Dr. Ismaaciil alaha u naxariistee wuxuu xiriir joogto ah la lahaa Ururrada u dooda Xuquuqda Aadamiga oo Caalami ah.

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Taariikh nololeedkii halgame Sheekh Abuukar Huwa

Sheekh Abuukar Sh. Yuusuf (Sh. Abuukar Huwa) wuxuu dhashay sanadkii 1935-kii, wuxuuna ku dhashay gobolka Sh/dhexe, wuxuu ku barbaaray isla gobolkaas, isagoo xilligaas kaddib soo galay magaalada Muqdisho, isagoo halkiisa ka sii watay barashada diinta Islaamka iyo waxbarashada kale.

Sheekh Abuukar Huwa wuxuu ku biiray Madarasada Sheekh Suufi, dhinaca kalena wuxuu ka waday dadaalka iyo aqoonta diinta Islaamka, wuxuuna ku biiray markaas kaddib ciidamada qalabka sida, gaar ahaan Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed.

Sheekh Abuukar Huwa wuxuu waxbarasho u aaday dalka Ciraaq, wuxuuna ka soo laabtay 1960-kii, isagoo ka soo baxay Kulliyadda dagaalka ee wadanka Ciraaq, xiddigtii ugu horeysayna soo qaatay.

Sanadihii xigay wuxuu ka mid noqday koox arday Soomaaliyeed ah oo loo diray waxbarasho inay ku soo qaataan dalka Masar, wuxuu ka mid noqday Saraakiisha laga tixgeliyo xagga aqoonta maadiga ah, tan diinta iyo midda ciidankaba.

1969-kii wuxuu ka mid noqday Saraakiishii sida fiican ula qabsatay xukunkii Milateriga ahaa ee dalka qabsaday, wuxuuna madax ka noqday xafiiskii xiriirka dadweynaha oo isu bedelay xafiiska siyaasadda, isagoo noqday Saraakiishii dhinaca siyaasadda iyo mabaadii’da la tixgeliyo.

Sheekh Abuukar Huwa Wuxuu mar kale waxbarasho u aaday Wadanka Midowgii Sofiyeeti, halkaas oo uu ku soo bartay cilmiga hoggaaminta bulshada iyo maamulkaba, markii uu ka soo laabtay wuxuu dib u bilaabay howlihii Xisbiga Hanti Wadaagga Kacaanka Soomaaliyeed XHKS.

1977-kii dagaalkii lagu xoreynayay Soomaali galbeed wuxuu ka mid ahaa Saraakiishii loo diray dhinaca siyaasadda iyo maamulka, waxaana loo magacaabay gobol ka mid ah goboladii la xoreeyay.

Sheekh Abuukar Huwa wuxuu ka mid noqday Golihii dhexe ee XHKS, xilalkii uu qabtayna waxaa ka mid ahaa:- Wuxuu noqday Guddoomiyaha G/Banaadir, wuxuu Wasiir K/Xigeen ka soo noqday ilaa saddex Wasaaradood, kaddibna wuxuu ku soo noqday Xisbiga XHKS isagoo ka noqday Guddoomiye K/Xigeen ilaa laba hoggaan oo ka mid ah hoggaankii Golaha Dhexe.

Markii Dowladdii Milateriga burburtay, kama qaxin wadanka, wuxuuna ka mid noqday odayaashii nabadda u ololeyn jiray, gurigiisana wuxuu ahaa googol nabadeed. Xilligii dowladdii Carte ee uu hoggaaminayay Dr. C/qaasim Salaad Xasan, marxuumka wuxuu ka mid noqday Golihii Wasiirada ee Dowladaas.

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Fartii Kaddariya

Fartan waxaa soo saaray Xuseen Sheekh Axmed Kaddare sannadkii 1952 dii. Xuseen waxaa uu ahaa nin dhallinyar oo aad u firfircoon oo ka tisanaa shaqaalihii Raadiyo Muqdisho. Markii dambena, waxaa uu noqdey madaxa qeybta af Soomaaliga ee Akademiyadii Cilmiga iyo Fanka (Somali Academy of Sciences and Arts).

Farta Kaddariya sida tan Cusmaaniyada maaysan noqon mid caan ah ama mid ay dad badani aad u yeqaano. Laakiin, waxaa ay leedahay qiimaheeda taariikhiga ah. Fartan ma yeelan makiinado iyo qalab lagu garaaci karo (typewriters and printing machines) iyo qoraallo fartan ku soo baxay. Fartani waxay ka kooban tahay 41 xaraf iyo afar nooc oo loo qoro. Qoraalkeeda waxaa laga bilaabaa dhinaca bidixda una socotaa dhinaca midigta (from left to right). Fartan markii loo gudbiyey Guddigii Luuqadaha ee 1961 dii waxaa ay soo jeediyeen in dhawr waxyaabood dib loogu noqdo. Kedib markii arrimahaas la soo dhammeystireyna waxay guddigi ku qiimeeyeen inay kaalinta labaad gashay (waxaa ay ku xigtey tan isticmaasha xuruufta Laatiinka oo kaalinta koowaad gashay oo uu soo gudbiyey Shire Jaamac Axmed).

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Janaraalada aan la ilaabi karin

Famour military officers who participated either in the 1977 Ogaden war and/or 1964 wars against Ethiopia/Kenya;

Some pictures of the few well known,

General Salaad Gabeyre, important figure in the 1969 revolution.

Col Ibraahin Rooble Warfaa (Doonyaale), the hero of the 1964 war

General Farah Aideed, a former diplomat, main figure in ousting Siad Barre

General Abdirahman Warsame,{caare}one of four star General in 1964

General Abuukar Aftooje, High ranking general in former Somali Armed Forces

General Mohamed Warsame Dhooley, General in former Somali Armed Forces

General Ali Hashi Elmi, General in former Somali Armed Forces.

Colonel Shariif Hassan Jumale, Three star colonel & highly decorated Somali

Colonel Ahmed Abdille Seed, Three-star colonel.

Gen Maxamed Nuur Galaal

Gen Cabdiraxmaan Cabdi Xuseen

Gen Cabdulle Maxamuud Xalane

Gen Cusmaan Xaaji Cumar (Falko)

Gen Axmed Sahal Cali (Ciriiri)

Gen Maxamed Saalax

Gen Cilmi Sahal Cali

Gen Axmed Jilicow Caddow

Col Maxamuud Maxamed Sigane

Gen Cabdiqaadir Subxaanyo

Gen Maxamed Sheekh Cabdullaahi (Geelqaad)

Col Gorgor

Col Ismaaciil Yaasiin

Col Cilmi Nuur Tariye

Gen Maxamed Jaamac Xarbi

Gen Maxamed Cabdi Maxamed

Gen Maxamed Sheekh (Neero)

Col Maxamad Nuur (Baarqab)

Gen Cali Xaashi

Gen Cusmaan Sokor Sabriye

Gen Nuur Axmed Darwiish

Gen Nuur Caddow Cali

Gen Maxamed Cusmaan Faarax

Gen Cabdulle Barre Sabriye

Gen Abuukar Xasan (Suulaley)

Col Calasoow Dheere

Col Shabeel

Col Shariif Geesaweyne

Gen Cilmi Sahal Cali

Col Xasan Daahir Aweys

Col Xaashi Xasan Warsame (Food-cadde)

Col Maxamed Xaaji Aadan (Beercune)

Col Daahir Sheekh Axmed (Dayax)

Col Axmed Maxamed Sheekh (Khasaaro)

Col John Dhoorre

Col Curri Gaab

Col Sheekhdoon Nageeye Fool-fool

Col Nur Ali Omar (Nur-Iley)

Col Maxamed Xaaji Xasan Calasow Jiney

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Taariikhdii Gen Cilmi Nuur Tariye

Jen Cilmi Nuur Tareey waxuu ahaa halyeey Taariikhda Soomaalida baal dahab ku leh isagoona ahaa Allaha u naxariistee Geesi aan la ganban hadafkiisa siyaasadeed ,waxuuna ahaa shaqsiga kaliya ee lagu seexin jiray Itoobiyaanka xiligii halganka kula jiray gumeysiga Itoobiya.

Jen Cilmi Nuur Tareey waxuu ahaa nin isagoo yar aad u necbaa gumeysiga kana qeyb galay dagaalo badan oo looga soo horjeeda gumeysiga Itoobiya.

Jen Cilmi Nuur Tareey waxuu noqday Askari ka tirsan ciidanka Soomaalida isagoona ahaa xiligii inqilaabka ragii uu iska xiray Siyaad Bare isagoona ahaa shaqsi siweyn uuga cabsan jireen hogankii Milatariga ahaa uu garwadeenka ka ahaa Maxamed Siyad Bare.

Jen Cilmi Nuur Tareey oo xiligaan hadii uu joogi lahaa la dagaali lahaa gumeysiga Itoobiya isagoona siweyn uga qeyb qadan lahaa madaama uu aad u necbaa habdhaqanka Gumeysiga Itoobiya waxaase xusid mudan in maanta ay Itoobiya xarun u tahay wasaaradii Gaashandhiga Soomaaliyeed taasoo hadii ay joogi lahaa halyey Cilmi Nuur Tareey uu ka xureyn lahaa gumeysiga madoow ee Itoobiya isagoona lagu xasuusan karo in Itoobiyaanka lagu seexin jiray halkaan waxaa joogo Cilmi Nuur tareey.

Jen Cilmi Nuur tareey oo intabadan noloshiisa ku soo qaatay xabsi isagoona u xirnaa dowladii Maxamed Siyaad Bare ,Cilmi Nuur Allaha u naxariistee waxuu ka qeyb galay dagaalkii 1977 isagoona markaa laga soo daayey xabsiga si uu ula dagaalo Itoobiyaanka waxaase xusid mudan mar uu hogaamiyaha Itoobiya uu yimid Muqdisho uu ka codsaday dowlada Soomaaliya in ay Tusaan Jen Cilmi Nuur Tareey isagoona xiligaa ku jiray Xabsi waana arin murugadeeda wadato.

Jen Cilmi Nuur Tareey ayaa ku dhintay Muqdisho muda laga joogo dhowrsano isagoona lagu aasay magaalada Muqdisho aaskaas oo ay ka soo qeyb galeen dadweyna aad u farabadan oo Soomaaliyeed.

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Taariikhdii Dr Xaaji Xuseen Bood (1933-2008)

Dr. Xuseen Xaaji M Bood wuxuu ku dhashay Magaalad Mareeg ee Degmada Ceel Dheer, ee Goballada Dhexe Somalia.

2) Dr Bood wuxuu ka bartay Qu’aanka kariimka ah dugsigi allaha u naxariistee Macallinm Abukar ee Mareeg, sannaddadi 1939-43

B) Waxbarashadiisi

3) Ka dibna wuxuu marxuumku usoo wareegay magaalada xamar oo markaas xarun u ahayd Taliskii Gumeysiga, halkaas oo uu ka billaabay waxbarashadiisii Hoose/Dhexeé sare . Halkaa wuxuu Ka galay wax barashada dadka waaweyn ( Adult Education) oo uu ka gaaray heerka shahaaddada dugsiga sare

4) Makuu marxuumku gacanta ku dhigay Shahaaddada Dugsiga Hoose ee Wax Warashada Dadka waaweyn wuxuu ku biiray Booliska Illaalada Dakhliga ( Guardia di Finanaza), halkaas oo uu maallintina shaqeysan jiray, habeenkina wax baran jiray.

5) Sannadki 1956 wuxuu marxuumku ka mid noqday xisbigii Liibaraalle ee Xaaji buraako hoggamin jiray, halkaas oo muddo ka dib xisbigoodi waxbarasho ugu diray isaga iyo koox kale oo uu ka mid ahaa xaaji xassanley Maxaad Joqof iyo 16 kale dalka Itoobiya.

6) Bishii Sebtember 27di, 1958, Marxuumka waxaa loo qaaday dalka Itoobiya,

7) W Axyna Magaalada Muqdishu ka raaceen diyaarad ingiriss ah oo la dhihi jiray Mijir Koos oo laga lahaa Magaalada Cadan ee dalkaa yemen. Waxay diyaarad kale ka raaceen Magaalada cadan, taasoo geysay magaalad Addis Ababa ee Dalkaa Itoobiya.

Waxay halkaa ka galeen dugsiga la yiraahdo Tefarre Tmirtu Beyt oo macnaheedu yahay

Hoyga Wax Barashada.

8) Sannadki 1960 waxaa dowladda itoobia diyaarad qaas ah soo siisay arddadii 18 ka ahaa ee dalkooda wax ku baranaayay si ay uga qaybgalaan dabball deggyada iyo damaashaadka loo sameynayay gobannima dalka Sommaliaya oo ku beegneyd, 1dii bisha Lulyo, 1960ki. Waxay ka soo qeyb galeen damaashaadyadki xurriyadda, iyagoo la soo siiyay muddo laba bilood oo fasax ah.

Marki fasaxi dhammaaday waxaa arddadi loo soo diray diyaar kale oo qaas ah, hase ahaate Dr Bood waa uu ka haray diyaaraddi, wuxuuna u baqoolay dalka talyaaniga oo uu wax barasho Jaamacadeed ka helay.

9) Dr. Bood wuxuu halkaas ka billaabay wax barashiidi wuxuuna galay Jaamacadda Jaamacadda Roma sannadki 1960ki, isagoo baranay cilmiga siyaasadda.

10) Wuxuu soo dhameystay waxbarashadiisi Jaamacadda sannadkii 1964ti, wuxuuna dalka soo noqday isla sanaadkii.
C) Xilalki uu soo qabtay
Marki uu Dr bood ka soo noqday wax barashadi dibedda ilaa burburkii Dowladdi Somaaliyedd, Dr bood wuxuu xilal kale duwan ka soo qabtay wasaaradaha iyo hayàdaha soo socda.

Sano

Xill

a)1952-54

– Wuxuu ka ruqseystay Guardia finanzadi wuxuuna imtixaan u galay karaaniyaal loo qaadanaayaya was. Gaadiidka, kaasoo uu ku guuleystay, kana shaqeynayayb ilaa uu wax barasho dibedda uga aado.

b)1965-67

-Ku xigeenka Agaasime, Was. Gaadiidka
c)1967-68

-Regional Director, North Western,was. Gaadiidka

d)1968-70

-g. Gaadiidka ee was gaadiidka

e)1971-72

-D. G, Was. Isgaarssinta iyo Gaadiidka

f) 1972-73

-D. G, Was xanaanada Xoolaha, Daaqa iyo Hoeumarinta miyiga

g) 1974-76

-D.G, was Qorsheynta Qaranka

h)1976-77

-D.G, was dalxiiska

i)1977-81

-D.G, was Qorsheynta qaranka

j)1981-86

-D.G Dan wadaagta Qaranka

Dr.Bood was the chairmain of USC in Mogadishu. In the below video he urges the dictator of Somalia to step down peacefully and save the people and nation more bloodshed and destruction:

k)2002-2004

-Ku Xigeenka ra’iisul wassaaraha Xukuumadi TNG

D) Wax qabadkiisi ganacsi
Sida la ogyahay Dr Bood wuxaa isagoo da`yar la geliyay howl gab, wuxuuna noqday ganacsade xur ah. Dr Bood wuxuu mar danbe asxaabtiisi ku qarsaday inuu faaìida ka badan mushaarki uu 18 sano dowladda ka qaadanaayay ka helay hal safar oo ganacsi ah.
-Wuxuu ku billaabay ganacsiga dhoofinta iyo soo dejinta( Export/import)
-Wuxuu maareeye ka noqday warshaddii Saabuunta ee cad Ceed-1986-1988
– Wuxuu marreye ka noqday Shirkaddii TAI- 1986-90
– Wuxuu noqday guddoomiyaha Shirkadda LEETCO- 2006.
E) Halgankiisi siyaasadeed
Ka dib marki khal khal galay siyaasaddii dalkadr Bood wuxuu noqday nin siyaasadda dalka indhaha ku haaya, taas oo uu la socday isbadellada siyaasadeed ee Dowladdi Madaxweyne Siyaad Barre ee xakunka dalka markaa gacanta ku heysay. Taa waxaa loo sababeyn karaa Dr Boo d oo taqasus gaar ah u lahaa culuunta siyaasadda( Political Science) isla markaana ka dhiidhinayay arima badan oo siyaasadeed oo xilligaa dalka kataagnaa.
Dr. Bood waxa uu ahaa ninka kaliya ee ladhihi karo waxaa uu ahaa muwaadiniinta soomaaliyeed waa ugu horeeyey taana waxaa laga dheehan karaa xilligii burburku ku soo fool lahaa waddanka oo uu qaaday tallaabooyin wax ku ool ah sida;
1-BAYAANKII MAANA FAYSTO :
– DR. Bood waxaa uu ahaa ninkii ugu cadcadaa odayaashii bayaankaas soo saaray oo doonayay in shacabka soomaaliyeed looga badbaadiyo dagaal sokeeye iyo bur bur qaran.
– Dr. Bood waxaa uu ahaa ninkii ugu horeeyay oo madaxweynuhu u yeero asagoo weydiinaaya arimaha kusaabsan bayaabkii Maana Faysto . Wuxuu Dr Bood madaxweyne Siyaad barre la socod siiyaya in isaga oo Dr Boodka oo ka mid ahaa hoggaanka sare ee Maanifeesto, waqtigaa oo aad looga cabsan Jiray Dowladdi Madaxweyne Siyaad Barre.
– Mudda yar ka dib, Geeridii naxdinta leheed ee Dr Iamaaciil Jimcaale Cosoble, Dr Bood wuxuu la wareegay hoggaankii ururki USC iyo Maanifeest oo bur buriyeen nidaamkii dalka ka jiray.
F) Kacdoonkii Xamar
– Muddadii lala dagaallamayay Xukunkii Madaxweyne Siiyaad barre, Dr Bood wuxuu ahaa hoggaamiyihii Kacdoonka iyo Gudoomiyihii USC-da Xamar
– Shirkii ururka USC Villa Somalia kula yeesheen dowladdii Madaxweyne Siyaad barre, Dr Bood wuxuu ka qeyb galkii shirka shardi uga dhigay in dowladdii Siad barre marka hore qirato in aan Mooryaan la dirireen ee Urur USC la yiraahdo dagaalka kula jiraan
G) Halgankiisi nabadda
Muddadii uu guddomiyha ka ahaa dalladda Nabadeynta Somaliyeed, wuxuu Dr Bood hoggaanka u qabtay halgankii nabadeynta Somaaliyeed, iyadoo dalladdiisana ay ka mid ahaayeen
– Golaha Gurtida Somaaliyeed
– Golaha ururada siyaasadda Somaaliyeed
– Aqoon yahanno Somaaliyeed
– Ururo Bulsho
– Ururo haweeneed
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Taariikhdii Max’ed Ibraahiim “Liiqliiqato”

Maxamad Ibraahim (Liiq-liiqato), wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Kismaayo xarunta gobolka Jubbada Hoose ee dalka Soomaaliya sanadku markuu ahaa 1921kii. Yaraantiisii wuxuu dhigtay dugsiga qur’aanka kariimka ah ka dibna wuxuu qortay askartii Ingiriisku lahaa ee la oran jiray Gendermaagii Ingiriiska sanadkii 1939-1945- wuxuu isteeshimada Xamar mid ka mid ah ka noqday (O.P). sarkaal qora wixii habeenkaas dhaca ama dacwa ah, ka dibna wuxuu darajada Booliiska ee Gendermaariiga ka gaaray Isbatoore.

1950- wuxuu ka mid noqday Booliiska Soomaaliyeed ee Talyaaniga dalka maamulkiisa qabtay (Amministrazione Fiduciaria Italo Somala A.F.I.S), wuxuuna waqtigaas noqday Isbatoore Laba Alifle ah.

1952-kii isaga iyo saraakiil xigeeno kale oo Soomaali ah ayaa loo diray dalka Talyaaniga si ay u soo kororsadaan culuum la xiriirta tababarada ciidamada, 1954 ayuu ku soo noqday dalka isagoo ah hal xidigle, waxaa kale oo uu ka soo shaqeeyey magaalooyin kala duwan oo dalka gudihiisa ah sida Gaalkacyo oo uu ka soo noqday taliyihii saldhigga booliiska magaalada Gaalkacyo ee xarunta gobolka Mudug.

Sanadkii 1960-kii wuxuu noqday Gaashaanle Sare iyo taliye ku xigeenkii ciidamada boliiska Soomaaliyeed, sanadii 1964 ayaa loo wareejiyey ciidamada Xoogga Dalka Soomaaliyeed, wuxuuna noqday Janan iyo taliye ku xigeenka ciidamada Xoogga Dalka Soomaaliyeed, sanadkii 1969 oo ku beegnayd markii ciidamadu dalka la wareegeen wuxuu noqday Safiirkii Soomaaliya u fadhiyey dalkii la oran jiray Midowga Soviet-ka ama USSR.

Sanadii 1971 wuxuu noqday Safiirkii Soomaaliya u fadhiyey dalka Jarmalka Galbeed, sanadkii 1974 waxaa loo magacaabay in uu noqdo Wasiirkii Beeraha ka dibna wuxuu noqday Wasiirkii Ganacsiga ee Soomaaliya, ayadoo wixii waqtigaas ka dambeeyey loo badalay xarunta dhexe ee Xisbiga Hantiwadaagga Kacaanka Soomaaliyeed, asagoo markaas ka dibna noqday Guddoomiyihii Hoggaanka Dhaqaalaha.Sanadkii 1983-dii ayaa loo doortay in uu noqdo Gudoomiyihii Golaha Shacbiga ( President of the National Assembly), wuxuuna jagadaas hayey ilaa sanadkii 1989kii.

Markii ay riday dowladdii dhexe ee Soomaaliya waxa uu isku dayey marxuumku in uu ka shaqeeyo heshiis dhexmara beelihii U.S.C-da ee khilaafku ku dhex maray magaalada Muqdisho, waxaana xusuustaa marxuumka iyo Macallin Nuur Maxamad Siyaad oo baabuur calamo cad cad ku xiran yihiin la dhex mari jiray goobihii ay isku hor fadhin jireen maleeshiyadii Cali Mahdi Max’ed iyo Gen. Max’ed Faarax Ceydiid.

Buugan uu qoray Jen. Maxamad Ibraahim (Liiq liiqato), waxaa uu ugu magac daray Dalkii Filka weynaa ee Punt, waa buug xambaarsan taariikh fara badan oo aan filayo in ciddii aqrisaa ay ka heli doonto macluumaad badan oo aysan horay u ogayn, buuggani wuxuu ku qoran yahay luqadda afka Soomaaliga laguma amaanayo koox gaar ah ama deegaan gaar ah wuxuuna si faahaahsan uga sheekaynayaa taariikhda dadka iyo dalka Soomaaliyeed oo idil.

Allaha u naxariistee General Max’ed Ibrahim “Liiqliiqato” wuxuu geeriyooday taariikhdu markay ahayd 30kii bishii May sanadkii 1998, wuxuuna ku geeriyooday magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimadda dalka Soomaaliya waxaana lagu aasay deegaanka Kax Shiiqaaleed oo ka tirsan degmooyinka Wadajir & Dharkeenley ee magaalada Muqdisho.

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Taariikhdii General Xuseen Kulmiye Afrax

Xussein Kulmiye Afrax wuxuu ku dhashay degmada Ceeldheer gobolka Galguduud ee dalka Soomaaliya, sanadku markuu ahaa 1920kii, wuxuuna ka dhashay qoys xoolo dhaqato ah. Intii uusan agaarin da’da 10 jir ayay labadiisii waalid dhinteen, hooyadiisna waxaa lagu magacaabi jiray Cawrala Calasow Max’ed.

Xussein Kulmiye yaraantiisii ayaa bilaabay in uu u halgamo nolol wuxuuna ku noolaa muddooyin kala duwan magaalooyinka Qabri-daharre, Dhagaxbuur, Jigjiga & magaalada Muqdisho.

1938dii ayay aheyd markii uu dhammeystay waxbarashadii ugu heer sarreysay ee loo oggolaa dadka Soomaalida waqtigaas. Bishii August sanadkii 1943 ayuu ku biiray ciidankii boliiska Soomaaliyeed ee berigaasi jiray, wuxuuna markiiba galay tababat ku saabsan afka Ingiriiska dugisgii tababarka ee ciidankii boliiska Soomaaliyeed ee magaalada Muqdisho.

Sanadkii 1944tii wuxuu ka mid noqday dadkii ugu horreeyay ee tababar dibedda ah loo qaado, waxaana loo qaaday magaalada Nairobi, wuxuuna markii uu ku soo noqday Muqdisho uu noqay macallin tababar ka bixiya dugsiga boliiska u qaabilsanaa boliiska, halkaas oo uu ka shaqeynayay illaa sanadkii 1946dii, kuna gaaray derajada kormeere 1aad.

1947dii – 1948dii waxaa uu taliye ka ahaa saldhigga boliiska ee degmada Afrgooye, halkaas oo uu ku qaatay derajada kormeere 2aad. Sanadkii 1951dii wuxuu u dallacay kormeere 3aad. 1952dii – 1953dii waxaa uu tababar salkaalnimo ku qaatay dalka Talyaaniga.

Xussein Kulmiye Afrax waxaa uu intii uu hayay shaqada boliiska ku qornaa xisbigii gabannimadoonka Soomaaliyeed ee S.Y.L. wuxuuna ka mid ahaa saraakiishii tababarrada qarsoodiga ahaa siin jiray xubnaha naadigaasi

Xussein Kulmiye wuxuu ka ahaa dadka lala tashado marka ay dhaqdhaqaaqii gobannimodoonka ahaa howlaha la xiriira dhaqdhaqaaqii liddiga ku ahaa ee gumeysiga, waxayna isaga & xubnihii kaleba ka shaqeyn jireen hanuuninta xubnaha naadigii SYL.

1954tii, ka dib markii uu soo dhammeystay tababarkii uu ku soo qaatay dalka Talyaaniga waxaa loo magacaabay in uu noqdo taliyihii ciidanka boliiska ee magaalada Baledweyne halkaas oo uu taliye ka ahaa illaa sanadkii 1956dii.

1956dii – 1960kii wuxuu jagooyin kala geddisan ka soo qabtay dhammaan xafiisyadii xarunta dhexe ee ciidankii boliiska Soomaaliyeed, halkaas oo uu ku gaaray darejada Gaashaanle.

Sanadkii 1960kii markii ay Soomaaliya qaadatay wuxuu u dallacay darejada G/Sare, wuxuu jagooyin muhiim ah ka soo qabtay xarunta dhexe ee ciidankii boliiska Soomaaliyeed.

Sanadkii 1968dii wuxuu u dallacay darejada S/Guuto wuxuuna noqday taliye ku xigeenkii ciidanka boliiska Soomaaliyeed.

S/Guuto Xussein Kulmiye Afrax wuxuu ka mid ahaa saraakiil ka kala socotay qeybaha ciidamada Soomaaliyee ee afgembiga kula wareegay taladii dalka 21kii bishii Oktoobar sanadkii 1969kii, wuxuuna taliye ku xigeennimadii ciidanka boliiska Soomaaliyeed sii hayay sanadku markuu ahaa 1970kii, ka dibna wuxuu u dallacay darejada S/Gaas waxaana loo magacaabay in uu noqdo wasiirkii arrimaha gudaha ee xukuumaddii ay hoggaaminayeen ciidamadu.

Muddadii uu hayay xilka wasaaradda arrimaha gudaha wuxuu ku dadaalay sidii wasaaraddaasi looga badeli lahaa wejigii gumeysiga kaga tagay, siyaasad ahaanna loo soo nooleyn lahaa howshii wasaaraddaasi.

Kacaankii wuxuu mideeyay maamulkii dowladaha hoose & degmooyinkaba, waxaana dadweynuhu ugu qeyb galeen talada dalka isla markaana la meel mariyay fidinta maamulka dalka iyadoo uu S/Gaas Xussein Kulmiye lahaa habeynta & iskudabaridka howlahaasi.

Waxaa heer sare la gaarsiiyay garaadka siyaasiga ee ururrada bulshada iyadoo is raaceen maamulkii & dadweynihii aan hore isu heysan, waxaana meesha ka baxay kala irdhowgii, nabad la’aantii & jeesjeesnimadii.

Waxaa bilowday bilowday mudddii uu Xussein Kulmiye howlwadeenka ka ahaa wasaaraddii arrimaha gudaha, waxayna gobollada & degmooyinka Soomaaliya oo dhan atarsan u galeen barnaamijkii la oran jiray “Iskaa wax u qabso”, waxaa la qaaday tallabooyin ay ka mid ahaayeen dhismeyaasha;-

1.Dugsiyo. 2. Isbitaallo. 3. Goleyaal hanuunin.

4. Ceelal. 5. Xafiisyo. 6. Guryo.

7. Beero. 8. Beero. 9. Koronto.

10. Waddooyin. 11. Iskaashatooyin. 12. IWM.

Taas oo dhalisay in ay kororto miisaaniyaddii degmooyinka iyadoo awood buuxda loo siiyay degmooyinkaasi in ay isticmaalaan dakhligooda sida ugu habboon ee waxtar ugu leh.

Arrimhaas oo dhan waxay u googol xaareen in dadku midoobaan, isla markaana hirgeliyaan ololeyaal fara badan oo ay ka mid ahaayeen abaarihii dalka ku soo fool lahaa.

Sanadkii 1971dii S/Gaas Xussein Kulmiye Afrax waxaa loo magacaabay madaxweyne ku xigeenkii jamhuuriyadda dimoqraadiga Soomaaliya.

1974tii S/Gaas Xussein Kulmiye Afrax wuxuu noqday guddoomiyihii guddiga dhaqaalaha ee Golihii Sare ee Kacaanka.

S/Gaas Xussein Kulmiye Afrax wuxuu ka mid ahaa xubnihii Golaha Sare Kacaanka isla markaana hayay jagada madaxweyne ku xigeenkiii 1aad ee Soomaaliya illaa laga soo gaaro dhismihii xisbigii Hantiwaadagga KAcaanka Soomaaliyeed sanadkii 1976dii, waqtigaas oo uu jagadii uu hayay loo magacaabay S/Guud Max’ed Cali samatar isna noqday madaxweyne ku xigeenkii 2aad ee Jamhuuriyadda Dimoqraadiga Soomaaliya.

Sanadihii xigay wuxuu wasiir ka noqday wasaaradihii Qorsheynta Qaranka, Arrimaha Gudaha, wuxuuna sanadkii 1989kii noqday guddoomiyihii Golihii Shacbiga Qaranka ee Soomaaliya, xilkaas oo uu hayay ilaa laga soo gaaray 26kii bishii January sanadkii 1991dii waqtigaas oo ku began markii la riday xukuumaddii militeriga aheyd.

Allaha u naxariistee S/Gaas Xussein Kulmiye Afrax wuxuu ku geeriyooday dalka Mareykanka sanadkii 1993dii waxaana lagu aasay magaalada Muqdisho.

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Taariikhdii Aadan Cabdulle Cusmaan (Aadan Cadde)

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=cBcJSy7Ye78

Marxuum Aadan Cabdulle Cusmaan (Aadan Cadde), wuxuu ku dhashay tuulo yar oo ku dhow Degmada Baladweyne ee Gobolka Hiiraan, sannadkii 1908-dii. Wuxuu ahaa ruuxii keliya ee ay dhaleen Aabbihii iyo hooyadii, Hooyadii waxay dhimatay isaga oo yar, aabbihii ayaana soo koriyay.

Aabbihii iyo isaga waxay u soo guureen isagoo 10-sano jir ah Degmada Baydhabo ee Gobolka Bay, halkaasoo uu isagu ka billaabay waxbarashada Dugsiga Qur’aanka, inkastoo uu dugsi dhiganayay intii uu ku sugnaa Baladweyne.

Muddo yar dabadeed waxay isaga iyo Aabbihii u soo gudbeen dhanka Gobolka Banaadir, waxaana xilligaas uu billaabay inuu dhigto iskuul, taasoo u sahashay inuu wax barto, waxaana uu billaabay inuu ku shaqeeyo Karraaninimo, isagoo ka shaqeynayay Gobolka Shabeellada hoose.

Marxuumka isagoo yar ayuu guursaday Haweenydii keliya ee caruurtiisa dhashay oo lagu magacaabi jiray Caasho, waxaana ay u dhashay 8-da caruurta ah ee uu ifka kaga tagay oo 6-ka mid ah ay yihiin wiilal halka 2-da kalena ay yihiin hablo. Waxaana cunuggiisa ugu yar uu dhashay sannadkii 1952-kii. Inkastoo 1982-kii haweeney labaad oo hadda nool, balse aan waxba u dhalin.

Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyay ee Soomaaliya EEBBE ha u raxmadeed wuxuu ku biiray siyaasadda isagoo yar, wuxuuna ka soo shaqeeyay meelo badan, waxaase 1943-kii uu si deg-deg ah ugu biiray xisbigii SYL oo ahaa dhaqdhaaq dhallinyaro Soomaaliyeed ay aasaaseen oo Gobonnimo doon ah, waxaan xilligaas dalka haystay Ingiriis, iyadoo Talyaaniga oo gumeysanayay laga saaray dagaalkii labaad bartamihiisa.

1946-kii waxaa loo doortay inuu noqdo xoghayaha xisbigii SYL xafiiskiisa Baladweyne. 1951-kii ayaa waxaa mar kale loo doortay inuu noqdo madaxa guddiga xisbiga SYL ee Gobolka Mudug, jagadaan oo uu hayay illaa bishii Feberaayo ee sannadkii 1953-kii.

1954-kii, waxaal loo doortay ku xigeenka madaxa guddiga hoggaaminta ee xisbiga SYL. Isla sannadkaas 1954-kii waxaa loo doortay hoggaamiyaha Xisbiga dhaqdhaaqa gobonnimo doonka ee SYL. Marka kale ayuu ku guulaystay isla jagadaan hoggaminta xisbiga, kaddib markii doorasho la sameeyay sannadkii 1958-kii.

July 1, 1960-kii, waxaa loo doortay Mudane Aadan Cabdulle Cismaan (Aadan Cadde) Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya oo markaas ka xorowday Gumeystayaashii Ingiriiska iyo Talyaaniga, waxaana lagu caleemo saaray Magaalada Muqdisho.

Sannadkii 1961-kii ayaa doorasho Madaxweynenimo oo la qabtay uu ku guulaystay isagoo loo caleemo saaray mar kale inuu noqdo Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya muddo 6-sano ah.

Marxuum Aadan Cabdulle Cismaan intii uu ahaa Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya waxaa si weyn loogu xusuustaa inuu yahay mas’uul wax weyn ka qabtay Sharciga, Arrimaha Bulshada iyo Kobcinta Dhaqaalaha dalka.

Aadan Cadde wuxuu ku hadli jiray luuqadaha Ingiriiska, Talyaaniga iyo Arabiga, marka laga reebo luuqaddiisa Soomaaliga ah ee uu u dhashay.

Sannadkii 1967-kii ayaa doorasho la sameeyay waxaa looga guulaystay Aadan Cabdulle Xilka Madaxweynenimada Soomaaliya, iyadoo uu ku guulaystay Madaxweyinihii badalay ee C/rashiid Cali Sharma’arke isagana RABBI ha u raxmadee. Madaxweynenimada Aadan Cabdulle waxay ku ekedy June 10, 1967.

Marxuum Aadan Cabdulle ayaa ka sheegay goobta doorashadu ka dhacday in looga guulaystay doorashada uuna ku wareejiyay walaalkiis C/rashiid, waxaana uu sheegay inuu dowladda cusub gacan-siinayo, iyadoo lagu xusuusto inuu ahaa Aabbihii Dimuqraadiyadda xorta ee Afrika.

Intii uu Madaxweynaha ahaa ayaa waxaa lagu xusuustaa inuu ka mid ahaa Madaxdii Afrikaanka ahayd ee aasaasay Ururka Midowga Afrika oo isagu ay ku mideysan yihiin hadda Madaxda Afrika oo dhan, waxaana xubinihii la aasaasay ka mid ahaa: Madaxweynihii dalka Masar Jamaal Cabdulnaasir, Xornimo gaarsiiyihiin dalka Ghana Kwama Negruma iyo Boqorkii dalka Ethiopia Haile Salase.

Aadan Cadde wuxuu ahaa ruux wadani ah oo jecel dowladnimada, sidoo kale wuxuu necbaa gumeysiga, wuxuu aad ugu ololeyn jiray nabadda iyo horumarka dalka, isagoo sheegi jiray in shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay barwaaqo gaari doonaan haddii ay waxbartaan oo ay dalkooda ka shaqeystaan.

Wixii ka dambeeyay markii uu ka dagay Jagada Madaxweynenimada wuxuu ahaa ganacsade leh beer weyn oo ku taalla degmada Jannaale ee Gobolka Shabeellada Hoose, halkaasoo uu ku lahaa beer weyn oo uu isagu lahaa.

Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa waxay ku maamuustay Marxuum Aadan Cadde in loogu magac-daro Garoonka Diyaaradaha ee Muqdisho, oo loo bixiyay Aadan Cadde International Air-port. Sidoo kale waxaa lagu maamuusay in calanka Soomaaliya hoos loo dhigo muddo 21-casho ah oo baroor-diiq noqonaysa iyo in Idaacadaha aan laga sii dayn heeso inta ay jirto baroordiiqda.

A SPEECH BY PRESIDENT ADEN ABDULLE OSMAN GIVEN AT A STATE DINNER IN HONOUR OF MR.JOMO KENYATTA OF KANU PARTY.

The principle of Self Determination

MOGADISHU, 28 JULY 1962.

“…The principle of self-determination, when used properly to unify and enlarge an existing state with a view towards is absorption in a federal system of government is neither balkanization nor fragmentation. It is a major contribution to unity and stability, and totally consistent with the concept of Pan-Africanism”.

“A desire for unity must be matched by a willingness to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty, and to remold the machinery of government to absorb new political and administrative methods. I say that, not to alarm or discourage, but because I think it is time that our continent of Africa took a more practical and realistic view of the problems that have been created by the after effects of colonialism and their relations to a closer political association of African States”.

“There are some lessons to be learned from the short but nonetheless profitable experiences of this Republic; because we can claim with justice that we have made a unique, practical contribution to African unity by merging two independent African states into one-even against the established prejudices of interested powers. I do not have to enumerate the colonial-made problems that we have encountered in the field of fiscal, judicial, linguistic and administrative integration because they still preoccupy us and are too well known. But I would like to underline three lessons”.

“First–as a prerequisite to either a federal system or a total union of states, it is necessary to accept, as we have done in Article Six of our constitution, limitations of sovereignty on conditions of parity with other states.

“Second—we have learned that the outmoded concept of territorial integrity must vanish from our habitual thinking because its roots are embedded in colonialism, and it is incompatible with Pan-Africanism”.

“Third—we have learned of a cardinal principle underlying the effectiveness or otherwise of a political union between two independent states. It is this: the ordinary person must be able to identify himself and his interests with the new order, on economic, ethnic and cultural grounds”.

“It is this last lesson that is perhaps the hardest to learn but, if we Africans are proud to take our place as a democratic people in the comity of nations, we must do more than pay lip-service to the feelings of the ordinary man and woman in our society. We claim, many of us, to be African leaders and socialists. This implies that, through our wisdom and understanding, men will follow us, and, by the equity of our laws, our people will have equal rights and opportunities”.

“Regrettably, it is becoming commonplace in Africa today to accept the development of a privileged class of rulers, with the instincts of colonialists, as a substitute from government by the people. This is one of the after effects of colonial rule. But it is my duty to give this warning to my colleagues in Africa: it will be the unwillingness of African rulers to curb their powers and to lift their artificial colonial boundaries, that will frustrate the hopes and desires of the ordinary people of Africa to be led out of isolation and ignorance into the greater union of African States”.

“I am sorry to have had to end on a not of caution, but there is too much at stake, in the prevention of the kind of tragedies that beset our brothers in the Congo, for me to refrain from bringing unpalatable facts to your notice. Of course, I hope these forebodings will not materialize, but they exist for those who have the eyes to see and the care to understand”.

President: Aden Abdulle Osman

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Taariikhdii Cabdullaahi Ciise

1922-kii ayuu C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud ku dhashay Degmada Afgooye ee Gobalka Sh/hoose, Allaha u naxariistee, Aabbihii isaga oo yar ayuu dhintay, waxaana soo korisay Hooyadiis, Alle ha u naxariistee Mareero Diini, C/llaahi Ciise iyo Hooyadiis Xamar ayay u soo wareegeen, haljaas oo uu ka bilaabay dugsiga Qur’aanka iyo waxbarashadiisii H/ Dhexe.

1938-kii, C/llaahi Ciise, isaga oo jira lix iyo toban sano, ayuu ka qalin jabiyey, dugsiga sare ee Talyaaniga wuxuuna noqday maamule xafiis.

1943-kii, C/llaahi Ciise, wuxuu ka mid noqday Golihii Dhexe ee S.Y.L.

1944-kii, C/llaahi Ciise, wuxuu laantii ugu horreysa ee S.Y.L ka furay Magaalada B/weyne

15-5-1947-kii, sanad-guuradii 4-aad ee S.Y.C, waxaa la doortay hoggaan cusub, oo ay yeelatay S.Y.C. waxaa xoghaye cusud loo doortay halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud.

Mudane C/llaahi Ciise si halganka loo dardar galiyo waxaa uu keenay qorshe siyaasadeed (Political program) magacii hore ee SYC waxa uu u beddelay S.Y.L (Somali Youth League) waxa uu soo saaray barnaamijkiisii siyaasadeed oo ka koobnaa shan qodob oo kala ahaa.

1. In la raadiyo gobanimadii iyo xorriyaddii shanta Soomaaliyeed oo midaysan.

2. In lala dagaalamo dhaqanka kala qaybinta ee qabyaalada ku dhisan

3. In laga taqaluso ciddii ka hortimaada danta Soomaaliyeed.

4. In waxbarashada lagu baahiyo dalka lana dhiso aqoonta iyo waxqabadka dhalinyarada.

5. In la qoro afka Soomaaliga.

1947-dii bishii November halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud, waxa uu gudoomiyay fadhigii taariikhiga ahaa ee golaha dhexe ee S.Y.L ku gaareen mudo 10 sano ah ee truteeship-ka ay gaarsiiyaan guddi ka kooban afartii quwadood ee markaas jiray (Four power commission) kuwaas oo dalka yimid 7-dii January 1948-kii

11-1-1948 halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud oo ku sugnaa Xarunta S.Y.L ayaa Por-Talyaanigii soo weerareen Xafiisyadii Xarunta S.Y.L,halkaas oo uu ka bilowday dagaalkii Ha Noolaato oo ay ku geeriyoodeen 52 ruux oo Talyaani ah 15 ruux oo Por-Tayaani iyo Xaawo Cusmaan ”Xaawo Taako”.

20-1-1948- mudane C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud wuxuu qaabilay Four power commission wuxuu u gudbiyey qorshaha siyaasadeed ee S.Y.L oo ahaa in muddo 10 sano ah Soomaaliya xorriyaddeeda lagu gaarsiiyo ayna gaarsiiyaan guddi ka kooban Four Power Commission.

31-10-1948 Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud iyo Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal waxay u direen Xoghayihii guud ee Qaramada Midoobay Mr. Trygve lie warqad (memo) ah oo ay ugu sheegeen in Soomaalida inteeda badan ay doonayaan in Soomaaliya oo midaysan ay xorriyadda gaarsiiyaan afartii quwadood ee markaas jiray.

28-10-1948dii wuxuu ka dhoofay dalk si uu uga qaybgalo shir ka dhacay Baris oo Four Power Commission uga hadlayeen arrimaha Soomaaliya. Isticmaarkii Ingiriiska wuxuu ugu talagalay in uu ku mudo Talaal sun ah C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud. waxaa C/llaahi Ciise iska dhigay oo run ahaantiina ay isku ekaayeen mudane Maxamed Yuusuf Aadan ”Muuro” C/llaahi ahaan loo talaalay lix biloodna ujiifay sariirta talaalkaas awgiis.

30/10/1948-dii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxa uu ka degay Magaalada London waxaana soo dhaweeyay Ducaale Max’ed oo ahaa xoghayihii SYL ee Cardiff iyo Ibraahim Max’ed oo ahaa Xoghayihii ee Liverpooll.

3/11/1948-dii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud waxa uu la kulmay Xoghayaha arrimahad dibadda ee dalka Ingiriiska.

Maarso 1949-kii Halgamaa C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud waxa uu tagay xarunta Qaramada Midoobey ee New York halkaas oo uu ka waday Diplomaasiyaddii uu xoriyadda Soomaaliya ugu raadinayay.

13/6/1949-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud isagoo ku sugan Magaalada New York waxa uu SYL u soo diray qoraalkii caanka ahaa ee la magacbaxay Appello ai Somali oo ugu sheegay SYL qatarta uu wato qorshaha Sforza Bevin Plan, arrintaas oo misana Qaramada Midoobey ku kala jabtay.

21/11/1949-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud waxa uu suurageliyay in Qaramada Midoobey Koonfurta Soomaaliya xoriyadda lagu gaarsiiyo mudo toban sano ah Trusteeship-kana uu maamulo Talyaaniga, iyadoo la dhinac dhigay Guddiga Qaramada Midoobey ka socday oo ka kooban dalalka Masar, Filibiin, Colombia oo ilaalinayay howlaha xoriyadda gaarsiinta si ay ula socdaan.

18/10/1950-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud dacwad ayuu u qoray Qaramada Midoobey ee uu ku eedeenayo maamulka AFIS oo uu ka leexday waajibaadkii loo xilsaaray, waxa uuna ka codsaday Qaramada Midoobey in la sameeyo guddi la tashi (Consultative Council) oo awood u leh, wuxuu kalloo Qaramada Midoobey ka codsaday in Soomaaliya laga difaaco Ajnabiga ku soo qulqulaya gaara haan kuwa Talyaaniga ah.

18/10/1950 Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud dacwad ayuu u qoray Qaramada Midoobey ee uu ku eedaynayo maamulka AFIS in uu ka leexday waajibkii loo xilsaaray, wuxuuna ka ka codsaday Qaramada Midoobey in la sameeyo guddi la tashi “Consultavative Council) oo awood u leh, wuxuu kalloo Qaramada Midoobey ka codsaday in Soomaaliya laga difaaco ajnabiga ku soo qulqulaya gaar ahaan kuwa Talyaaniga ah.

1954-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud waxa uu ku guuleystay siyaasad ahaan in uu Qaramada Midoobey uu ku qanciyo in la isfeersuro calaamadda Qaramada Midoobey, Talyaaniga iyo midka Soomaaliya.

1956-1960-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud wuxuu ahaa Ra’isul Wasaarihii ugu horeeyay ee Soomaaliya, waxaana dowladaas lagu dhisay Sharci No=1 ee 7/5/1956-dii.

1959-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise wuxuu mar labaad ku guuleystay xilka Ra’isul Wasaaraha.

12/4/1960-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxa uu abaabulay saxiixayna dekereetadii lagu dhisay ciidanka xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed, wuxuuna darajada Janeraalka u dalacsiiyay una magacaabay Taliyihii Ciidanka Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed Da’uud Cabdule Xirsi.

1960-1964-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise Maxamuud wuxuu ahaa Wasiirka arrimaha dibadda.

1964-1967-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxa uu ahaa wasiirka Caafimaadka.

1967-1969-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxa uu ahaa Wasiirka Ganacsiga iyo warshadaha.

1969-1973-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxa uu ka mid ahaa madaxdii Soomaaliyeed ee kooxdii Militariga ahayd ay inqilaabeen lana xirxiray isagoo oo si sharci darro ah xabsiga ugu jiray muddo afar sano ah.

1973-1984-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise wuxuu ahaa danjiraha Somaaliya u fadhiya dalka Sweden, isla markaana wakiil ka ahaa dhamaan waddamada la isku yirahdo Scandinavia.

24/3/1988-kii Allaha u naxariistee Halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxa uu ku geeryooday Magaalada Roma ee dalka Talyaaniga.

29/3/1988-kii Halgame C/llaahi Ciise maydkiisa ayaa dalka la keenay isla maalintaasna waa la aasay, waxaa loo aasay si heer Qaran ah, iyada oo halgamaashii SYL dhamantood ay aaskiisii ka soo qaybgaleen intii markaa nooleyd iyo guud ahaan dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed iyo Dowladdii JDS oo uu hogaaminayay Madaxweyne Jaale Max’ed Siyaad Barre, waxaana mudo saddex maalmood ah hoos loo dhigay calanka Soomaaliya, waxaana dalka oo dhan ka dhacay baroordiiq Qaran.

Allaha u naxariistee Halgame C/llaahi Ciise wuxuu guursaday laba Haween ah, xaaskii ugu horreeyay waxaa la yiraahdaa Faadumo C/lle Max’ed waxa ayna u dhashay Gabar la yiraahdo Xaawo C/llaahi Ciise, Xaawa iyo hooyadeed Faadumo C/lle waxa ay hadda ku nool yihiin dalka Sweden Magaalada Stockholm.

Xaaska labaad waxaa la yiraahdaa Ruqiyo Shiikh Xuseen Cismaan, waxayna u dhashay Carruurtan kala ah:

Cali C/llaahi Ciise, Faadumo C/llaahi Ciise, iyo Xaliima C/llaahi Ciise, waxayna dhamaantood carruurtaan iyo Hooyadoodba waa Ruqiyo Shiikh Xuseen hadda ku wada nool yihiin dalka Mareykanka Magaalada Virginia.

Dhinaca kale waxaa dhawaan Magalada muqdisho lagu qabtay xaflad aad u sareysay lagu xusayay sanadguuradii 18-aad ee ka soo wareegtay geeridii halgame C/llaahi Ciise waxaana ka qaybgalay qaybaha kala duwan ee bulshada oo uu ku jiray Cali Shidde Cabdi, iyadoo dadkii ka qaybgalay xaflaadaasi ay isla qireen in C/llaahi Ciise uu ahaa halyay aysan hilmaami doonin Shacabka Soomaliyeed, waxay kalloo sheegeen in C/llaahi Ciise uu ahaa nin ay ka go’nayd in Soomaaliya gaarto Midnimo iyo horumar.

Cali Shidde Cabdi waxa uu sheegay in loo baahan yahay in shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay ku dadydaan dariiqii uu falay Halgame C/llaahi Ciise oo uu sheegay in uu ahaa nin wadani ah oo ka hor jeeday Gumeysiga iyo kalkaalinayay.

Sidoo kale C/ qaadir Ibraahim Gacal Abkow ayaa waxa uu isna sheegay in Halgankii xoriyadda ee uu horseeda u ahaa C/llaahi Ciise haatan laga dhigay mid bacaad lagu lisay isagoo sheegay in taasi ay khasaaro u tahay shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo looga fadhiyay in ay halkii ka sii wadaa dadaalkii loogu jiray sidii Soomaaliya kor loogu qaadi lahaa si ay wax ula qaybsato bulsha weynta kale ee Caalamka.

Somali Stand on Trusteeship

Representative Declares Opposition of Youth League to Italian Control

The New York Times

November 19, 1949

A letter sent to the New York Times by Abdullahi Isse

To the Editor of the New York Times:

An editorial dealing with the question of the former Italian colonies appeared in your paper of November 12, 1949. In this editorial you stated that the Russians, after being defeated in the United Nations, “have had their little triumph in winning over the Somali Youth to communism.”

Although you intentionally omitted the word “League” it is obvious that you are referring to the “Somali Youth League”, which I have the honor to represent here.

First of all, may I ask on what grounds you base the assertion that the Russians have won over the Somali Youth League to communism? Is this only because the U.S.S.R. together with the other Communist States (including the federal Peoples’ Republic of Yugoslavia) and others, have strongly supported our just and legitimate cause both during the last and the current sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations? If so, may I remind you that they equally supported the legitimate cause of the people of Libya, and, at least, part of those of Eritrea.

Libyan Demonstration

May I be permitted also to point out that in May of this year (during the course of the last session of the Assembly) the Libyans organized open demonstrations in Tripoli and other centers, displaying the flags of Communist states and the portrait of Stalin. In these demonstrations they destroyed the British and the United States flags, stoned British and American citizens and violently attacked the Italian community in Tripolitania. Yet you do not consider the Libyans Communists because of their open expression of appreciation for the role the Communist states played in defeating the plans of the Imperialist Powers.

While the Somalis have also demonstrated against the return of the Italians as administrators of Somaliland, they have not done so under the banners of any Communist state, nor have they attacked foreigners. These demonstrations were peaceful until broken up by British police. Indeed, the Somalis have done nothing to justify your accusation that they have been won over communism. You did not in your editorial – nor can you now – submit any evidence to sustain your charge.

Stand of League

It is a known fact that the Somali Youth League, as leader of the nationalist movement for the independence of Somaliland, unalterably opposes the restoration of the hated Italian rule under any form whatsoever in our land. Also the League strongly opposes any foreign domination of Somaliland. In pursuing the struggle for the liberation of the country, the League has submitted to the General Assembly and various committees of the United Nations several memoranda, petitions, documents, etc., containing certain relevant data.

Today the confusion of nationalism with communism in colonial areas is common error. Fortunately, the world knows the methods practiced by colonial Powers to suppress nationalist movements and at the same time label them as subversive and pursuant of Communist ideology. All classes of the inhabitants of Somaliland are united in a common front and they are now concerned only with the immediate problem facing them: the national struggle for the freedom of their country from foreign subjugation.

While maintaining our militant and purely nationalistic character, we refuse to be trapped in the conflict between the red communism of the East and the white supremacy “democracy” of the West. We retain deep sympathy and respect for all those nations – Communists and non-Communists alike – who strongly supported the just and legitimate aspirations of our people.

The unjust solution proposed fro Somaliland is entirely contrary to the wishes and welfare of the inhabitants. That the majority of the Political Committee reached this unfortunate conclusion after considerable bargaining and political expediency at the sole expense of the weak and defenseless Somali nation is a fact well known to the whole world. It is as clear as the light of day that, in order to do something for the Italians, it is proposed to sacrifice the Somalis and offer Somaliland to Italy as a bribe.

 A. Issa.

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Taariikhdii Gen Daa’uud Cabdulle Xirsi

Gen. Daauud Cabdulle Xirsi (1924-1965) wuxuu ahaa Janaraalkii ugu horeeye ee yeelato Soomaaliya isla markaasna ahaa taliyihii ugu horeeyey ee Ciidanka Xooga Dalka Soomaaliyeed. Janaraal Daauud wuxuu ku dhashay tuulada Mareeg ee ka tirsan gobolka Galguduud ee dalka Soomaaliya halkaas oo uu ku dhameeye aqoontiisa Qur’aanka asagoo da’ yar ah. Mudo sanad ah asagoo ka shaqaynayaa xaafiiska Talyaaniga ee degmada Buuloburde ayuu wuxuu u gudbay magaalada Muqdisho, xoogaa kahor intaan la gaarin Dagaalkii Labaad ee Aduunyada. 1943dii wuxuu ku biiray Ciidamada Booliska ee Ingiriiska oo markaas hayste koonfurta Soomaaliya, Janaral Daauud waxaa uu ka gaare shaqadiisa ilaa barre (macalin) tababare ka ah Dugsiga Booliiska ee Xamarjajab.

Dagaalkii labaad ee Aduunka kadib, horaantii 1950meeyadii ayaa taliskii Talyaaniga ku soo noqde koonfurta Soomaaliyaa Janaraal Daauud ku guulayte imtixaan uu u galay leyli sarkaal. Waxaana loo qaaday dalka Talyaaniga halkaas oo uu ku soo dhamaystey tababarkii ciidan ee sarkaalnimada.

1954kii ayuu ku soo laabtay Soomaaliya, wuxuuna ku shaqeynayay sarkaalnimo dhinaca booliiska kadibna wuxuu ka qeyb galay diyaarintii ciidammadii Xooga Dalka Soomaaliyeed oo ay markaas abaabulaysey dowladii daaqiliyada ahayd ee uu horkacaaye Cabdullaahi Ciise. Xeerkii lagu dhisay Ciidanka Xooga Dalka Soomaaliyeed ee 14/04/1960kii ayaa darajadda Janaraalka ah u dalacsiiyay Daauud Cabdulle Xirsi oo noqday taliyaha Ciidanka Xooga Dalka Soomaaliyeed ee ugu horeeyey. waxa uu noqday janaraaldaauud taliyihii ugu da,da yaraa taariikhda soomara ee maamula ciidanka qaranka .sidoo kale waxaa lagu xasuustaa janaraal daa,uud cabdulle xersi in uu soo saaray dadka ugu magaca dheer xaga ciidanka sida (( j maxamed nuur gallaal ,j macamed faarax caaydiid , col c/laahi yuusuf axmed ,j c/raxmaan mujrim /j c/raxmaan siigeeyste , j maxamed liiqliiqato )) iyo in kale oo badan . sidoo kale waxa uu taliye u ahaa kana soo hoos shaqeeyay taliyihii ciidanka milatariga soomaaliye ee ugu horeeyay ((j maxamed abshir muushe ))iyo ((j maxamed cali samatar , jsalaad gabeyre , j gorgor ))iyo ((j maxamed siyad barre )) oo mar aha madaxweynihii dalka soomaaliya. oo in toodaba sheegeen in eey ka istafiidiin aqaan dheeraad ah ,

Nasiibxumose, Allahaa u naxariistee Janaraal Daauud Cabdulle Xirsi wuxuu ku geeriyoodey magaalada Moosko ee dalka Ruushka calanka Soomaaliyeed oo aan shan jirsan, asagoo jira 41 jir.

General. Daa,uud C/llahi xirsi waxa uu ku dhasahay Mgaalada Mareeg ee Burburta ee hoostagtag Magalada Ceeldheer Ee gobolka Galgaduud sanadkii 1924 waxa uu ahaa Ninkii ugu horeyay ee oo magaaacabo General somalia, waxaa xilkaas u magaacaya Raisulwasaarihii Xiligaas Cabdullaahi Ciise Maxamuud.

Jenanka waxaa uu ahaa qof diinta ku wanaagsan oo baari ah, kuna dadaala runta, waxaana la sheegay inuusan dadka jidka ku dhaafi jirin, isagoo hore u qaadi jiray maadaama uu watay baabuur ahaana sarkaal sare, iskama dhowri jirin dadka shicibka ah. Generalka wxaa uu guula la taaban karao ka gaaray Dagaalki somalia ay la gsahay Ethopia Sanadii 1964 Markaas oo loo aqoonsaday Halgamaa Hal ku Dhig leh oo aad loo Xurmeeyo. Dhanka kale waxaa Jira qabuuro loogu Magacdaray Ganeralka o la yiraah General Daa,uud oo ku Yaala Dagamada Wardhiigleey ee Gobolka Banaadir iyo sidoo kale wadada Jen Daa’uud iyo weliba iskoolada Dhexe & sare ee Jen: daa’uud oo iyaguna ku yaal degmada yaaqshiid ee gobolka Banaadir.

Waxaa intaas dheer in jenanku ay jeclaayeen ciidamadii Soomaaliyeed, maadaama uu aad ugu dadaali jiray noloshooda. Generalka aad ayaa looga xushmaayaa Somaliya oo idil Xataa Xiliyadii uu Noolaa wax uu quudin jirey dadka Tabarata Yar ee soo beegsaday xiryaha ciidamada oo uu oran jirey waxa Walba oo aad aragataa oo aala Xiarayaha ciidamada Waa Cuni kartaan.

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Famous Politicians of the sixties

Cali Maxamad Hiraabe

Hon. Ali was born in Mogadishu in 1922. He had normal Quranic and Arabic teaching , and later graduated from the “Scuola Politica” with diploma.

He joined Government Service in 1958. In 1954 he was elected Councillor in the first Minicipal elections of the Trust Territory of Somalia.

In 1959 and 1964 he was elected to the National Assembly from Adale in the Benadir Region.

He was Minister for Information in Abdirashid Government from 1960-64. He joined the SYL and was at one time member of the Central Committee of the party.

Cali Maxamad Cosoble (Cali Wardhiigleey)

Hon. Ali was at El Dher in 1928. After Quranic and elementary education, he went to the Political Administration School, where he received his Diploma in 1957.

He was sent to the USA for higher education, and returned to his country in 1959. Then he continued his studies at the University Institute of Mogadishu.

He served in the Administration under the Italians. In 1960, he was appointed District Commissionar of Bardere, and subsequently served in the same office at Merca and Berbera.

He was elected member of the National Assembly from Mogadishu itself.

Haraad Faarax Nuur

Hon. Hared was born in 1929 in Belet Weyne. He went to Quranic school and later to a “Madrasa” where he learnt Arabic.

In 1950 he became a soldier in the Army, and was later transfered to the Marine Unit where he was an RT operator in charge of telegraphy and at the same time Hon. Hared completed his elementary education.

In 1956 he became a civil RT operator in the Postal Srvice and at the same time he studied in the Industrial School; when he had finished he joined the Accounting School from which he graduated in 1964, and was awarded a Diploma.

In the same year he participated in the elections and was elected to Beled Weyne as a candidate of the SDU party. He immediately became member of the SYL.

Xaaji Faarax Cali Omaar

Hon. Haji Farah was born in Hobbia in 1907 and entered politics when he joined the SYL in 1944. He was one of the Party Representatives in the Territorial Council from 1952 to 1956; Deputy in the first Legislative Assembly from 1955; and member of the first Local Government from 1956; in that Government he was Minister for Economic Affairs and he was re-elected to the Territorial Council in 1959.

He was re-elected deputy in 1964. From 1956 until Independence, he took part in missions to the United Nations to deal with Somali Affairs. From the date of Independence to 1961 he led the Somali delegation to the United Nations. He also took part in a number of International Conferences.

Keenadiid Axmad Yuusuf

Hon. Kenedit was born in 1928 at Qallafo. He attended Quranic schools, later Italian Primary Schools in Mogadishu and in 1945 studies at Institutes established by the British Administration.

He joined the SYC, later called the SYL, in 1946. In 1951 he won a competition for a customs officer’s post. After further studies, received a teacher’s Diploma, and was sent to Italy for an advanced course.

He served as a teacher, and later as a head, Customs services, Mogadishu, until he got a diploma from the capital’s University Institute. Rome University had him as a Political Science student from 1958 to 1961 when he graduated.

Upon his return home, Hon. Kenedit worked for a while at the Ministry of Finance and from September 1961 to earlier of 1964 he was Extraordinary Commissioner for Mogadishu City. Berdere sent him to the National Assembly as an SYL deputy in March 1964.

Cabduraxmaan Xaaji Mu’min

Hon. Abdulrahman was born in 1925 at Bilal in Bulo Burti District, attended the Quranic School and further studied the Islamic Sharia very deeply. He also attended the Government adult school completing the Intermediate grade in Arabic and the Elementary grade in Italian.

In 1945 he joined the Somali Youth League, and from 1947 to 1955 was member of the local committee of the Belet Weyne branch. Elected to the National Assembly in 1956 for the SYL in Bulo Burti, he was elected to the SYL Central Committee in 1958 and a year later became Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Education.

In 1960 Hon. Abdulrahman became the Vice-Secretary General of the SYL and in 1962 he was appointed Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Health, Veterinary and Labour. Again a member of the SYL Central Committee in 1963.

Axmad Geelle Xassan

Hon. Ahmed was born in 1905 in Bulo Burti. He served in the Army from 1924 to 1941 during which he was promoted to the rank of “AQUIID”. During 1946-50 he served as a clerk.

In 1959 he was elected to the Territorial Assembly from Bulo Burti on an SYL ticket. He was re-elected in 1964. From 1962 to 1964 he was Minister for Justice and Religious Affairs in Abdirashid’s Government.

After 1964 general elections he became Under-Secretary for the Presidency Council of Ministers and later for the Ministry of Agriculture and Animal Husbandry

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Taariikhdii Cismaan Geedi Raage

Wadan waxaa uu wax ku noqdaa horumarna ku gaaraa marka uu madaxbanaani buuxda heysto sameystana hogaan ku dhisan cadaalad iyo aqoona, hadaba waxaan ognahay in ummadaha ka xoroobay gumeystaha aysan si fudud ku gaarin xuriyadda iyo gobanimadooda ay heystaan balse ay dhib u soo mareen dhiigna u daadiyeen.

Ummada soomaaliyeed waxaa ay ka mid aheyd ummadihii la gumeystay sidii ay u xoroobi lahaydna waxay u soo martay halgan dheer. Hadaba waxaan helnay taariikh kooban oo ku saabsan mid kamida ah halyeeyadii Soomaaliyeed ee u soo halgamay xurnimada iyo madax bannaanida soomaaliya heysato halyaygan waa Cismaan Geedi Raage.

Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa uu kamid ahaa aas aasayaashii ururkii dhilinyarada soomaaliyeed ee SYL (Somali Youth Leage). Waxaa uu ka dhashay qoys ganacsato ah waxaa uuna ku dhashay Mogadishu sannadkii 1925kii. Aabbihii Geedi Raage waxaa uu ahaa ganacsade caan ka ah magaalada muqdishu iyo hareeraheeda waxaa uuna ganacsi u tegi jiray wadanka dibadiisa sida Sinsibaar, Mambaasa, Nayroobi, Cadan iyo Makoli oo ka tirsan dalka Yaman.

Barbaarintii Cismaan Geedi Raage

Cismaan Geeddi Raage waxaa uu yaraantiisii ahaa wiil faham badan waxaa uu ku fiicnaa waxbarashada da’da lix jir markuu ahaa waxaa uu aabbihii Geedi Raage geeyay xarun laga baran jiray Qur’aanka kariimka iyo luuqada carabiga halkaas oo Cismaan waxaa uu ka bilaabay waxabarashadiisii ugu horeysay markii uu dhameystay barashadda Qur’aanka iyo carabiga waxaa uu Cismaan bilaabay wax barashadii talyaanigu ka bixin jiray magaalada muqdishu halkaas oo macalimiin talyaani ahi wax ka dhigi jireen Cismaan markii uu dhameystay wax barashadiisii waxaa isga iyo dhowr arday oo wax barashadoodii dhamaystay loo soo bandhigay in ay u noqdaan turjubaano gumeysigii Talyaaniga ee haystay Soomaaliya Cismaan waa uu diiday inuu noqdo Turjubaan isagoo ogaa in waxa uu turjubaanayo yihiin wax uusan raali ka aheyn waxaa uuna go’aansaday inuu noqdo ganacsade madax bannaan.

Ganacsigii Cismaan Geedi Raage iyo halgankii SYL

Madaama uu Cismaan aabbihiis ahaa ganacsade si weyn loo yaqaano Cismaan waxaa si fudud ayay ugu sahlanaatay inuu gutu hawlihisii ganacsiga waxaa ayna siisay ganacsigii uu ku jiray inuu barto magaalooyin badan iyo wadamada deriska la ahaa dhulka soomaalida sida Kenya iyo Yaman oo uu gumeysigii Ingiriisku ka talinayay iyo Itoobiya oo gacansaar la laheyd gumestihii Ingiriiska.

Intii uu ku jiray ganacsiga Cismaan waxaa uu gumestihii Talyaaniga kala kulmay dhabaatooyin isugu jiray cadaadis xarig handadaad waxaa intaas sii dheeraa oo uu arkay intii uu joogay dhulbeereedka Shabeelada Dhexe gumesigii talyaaniga oo la wareegaya beerihii dadka isla markaasna dadkii laha lagu amray inay si qasab ah ku falaan.

Cismaan safarkiisii ugu horeeyay ee ganacsi waxaa uu arkay wax uu qaadan waayay sida silica iyo dhibaatada uu ku hayo gumeystuhu dadka soomaaliyeed Cismaan waxaa ku sii korortay nacaybkii uu u qabay gumeystihii Talyaaniga waxaana ku abuurmay qiiro wadaniyeed iyo dareen xurnimo doon.

Cismaan intii uu kujiray howlihiisa ganacsiga waxaa u suurto gashay inuu la kulmo dhalinyaro soomaaliyeed oo ay ku abuuran tahay figradiisa mid la mid ah isla markiiba isaga iyo dhilinyaradii kale waxaa ay bilaabeen inay ka tashadaan aayaha dalkooda iyo danta ummadooda , waana tan keentay in la aas-aasay ururkii (SYL).

Siduu ku aasaasay ururka SYL

Uruurka SYL waxaa aas aasy saddex iyo toban dhalinyaro ah oo aad u da’yaraa aqoontooda iyo iyo ilbaxnimadooduna ay aad u saraysay. Dhalinyaradaas oo qarkood ay xaga diinta isku barteen, qaarna ay meel kawada shaqeyn jireen, waxaa ay is tuseen iskuna baraarujiyeen in ay wadankooda ka xoreeyaan gu’meysiga, ummadoodana ka saaraan silica uu gumeysigu ku hayay waxayna go’aansadeen iney furtaan urur aruuriya dhalinyarada soomaaliyeed, una halgama madax banaanida Ummadda Soomaaliyeed.

Sida la wada ogsoonyahay (1939-1945) ,waxaa lagu jiray dagaal weynihii labaad ee aduunka, dawlada Ingiriiskuna waxaa ay kamid dowladihii waaweynaa ee ku jiray dagaalkaas, sidaas darteed uma ogoleyn ummadaha ay gumeystaan iney sameystaan dhaq-dhaqaaq siyaasadeed. Taasina waxay sababtay in dhalin yaradii leegada in ay arrimahoodii ku wadaan si qarsoodi ah ilaa iyo muddo, waxayna si qarsoodi ah ugu shiri jireen xeebaha badda, iyo guryaha qaarkood, waxaa jirtay in ay maalin ku kulmeen tacsidii mid ka mid ah aabbihii (Xaaji Maxamed Cabdullahi , Xayeesi). Kadib markii ay tacsidii guteen aya waxa qudbad qiimo iyo qiiraba laheyd ka jeediyay C/qaadir Sakhaawadiin oo dhaq-dhaqaaqa abaabulkiisa lahaa. waxaa hadaladii uu jeediyay kamid ahaa:

“Dadka dhamaantood waxaa ay ka wada yimaadeen Aaden iyo Xaawo, Ilaaheyna makala fadlin cadaan iyo madoow ee waa ka wada siman yihiin agtiisa, Diimaha Ilaahay soo dejiyayna waxaa ay cadeeyeen in dadka oo dhan simanyihiin sidaas darteen nooma eka inaan ku hoos noolaano oo uu noo taliyo nin asaageen ah weliba Gaal ah doonayana inuu baa biyo diinteena dhaqankeena, dalkeena iyo dadkeena”.

Qudbadaas qiimaha laheyd waxaa ay kicisay dareenkii dhalin yaradii dhegeysanaysay waxaa uuna midwalba oo dhegaysanaayay gartay waajibka ka saaran dalkiisa.

Ururkii SYL waxaa si buuxda loo aas aasay 15ka Maajo , 1943 waxaa aas aasay dhalinyaro aad u da yar oo ka kooban 13 ku waasoo u huray wax kasta si Soomaaliya ay u gaarto madax bannaani buuxda, hadaba dhalinyaradaasi magacyadoodu waxaa ay kala ahaayeen:

  • 1. C/qaadir Sakhaawadiin Sh. Aweys
  • 2. Yaasiin Xaaji Cismaan
  • 3. Cismaan Geedi Raage
  • 4. Daahir Xaaji Cismaan
  • 5. Maxamed Xirsi Nuur (Sayidiin)
  • 6.Xaaji Maxamed Xuseen
  • 7. Dheere Xaaji Dheere
  • 8.Maxamed Faarax Hilowle
  • 9.Cali Xasan Maslax
  • 10.Xaaji Maxamed C/llaahi (Xayeesi)
  • 11. Huudoow Macallin C/llaahi
  • 12. Maxamed Cali Nuur
  • 13. Maxamed Cismaan Baarbe

Halgankii Cismaan Geedi Raage

Halgame Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa uu ahaa nin degan , aragti dheer, naxariis badan deeqsina ah. Waxaa uu ahaa nin wadani ah oo aad iyo aad u dad iyo dal jecel waxaa uu ahaa nin howl badan kalin libaaxna ka qaatay dhaq-dhaqaaqii xisbigii SYL waxaa uu ahaa xubinta saddexaad ee aas-aasayaasha ururka dhalinyarada soomaaliyeed,(SYL) kaalin lama iloobaan ahna ka qaatay halgankii xurnimo u dirir.

Sida lawada ogsoon yahay dad weynaha soomaaliyed waqtigii la aas aasayay ururka SYL wacyigooda iyo aqoontoodu way hooseysay wayna adkeyd in si fudud looga dhaadhiciyo, ama lugu abuuro sidii ay ula dagalami lahayeen gumeysiga dalkoodii qabsaday oo aan ogoleyn dhaq-dhaqaaq siyaasadeed oo madax banaani raadis ah uu ka sameysmo dhulka soomaaliya sidaas darteed aas aasayaasha ururka SYL waxaa ay halgan kooda ka bilaabeen qoysaskooda, qaraabadooda iyo dadka ay ku kalsoonaayeen.

Halgame Cismaan Geedi Raage oo ka dhashay qoys magac weyn ku lahaa magaalada Xamar iyo hareeraheeda iyo aabbihiis oo ahaa ganacsade nabadoon ah siweyna loo yaqaan ayaa u suura gelisay in uu barto dad farabadan kuna guubaabiyo gumeysi nacayb iyo xurnimo u dirir.

Halgame Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa uu howlo guubaabineed ku tegay meelaha kala ah Garasbaalay Dayniile, Balcad, Caadlay, Aadan-Yabaal, Warsheikh, Cisaleey iyo Jowhar intii uu joogay goobahaas waxaa uu qudbooyin qiiro leh u jeediyay kana dhaadhiciyay ujeedooyinka SYL iyo sida ay kaalintooda uga qeyb qaadan lahaayeen dhamaan dadweynihii uu la kulmay. Intii uu Cismaan Geedi Raage ku jiray baraarujinta shacabka soomaaliyeed waxaa dhacday in gumestihii ku tuhmay dhaq-dhaqaaqiisa xorimo doonka ah kadibna gumestuhu ku xiray magaalada Jowhar. Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa uu xabsiga kala kulmay ciqaab, jir-dil, aflagaado iyo daryeel xumo si kastaba gumestuhu ha ula dhaqmee Cismaan marnaba uma dabcin gumeystaha ee dusha ayuu u dhigtay dhibatadaasi mudo markii uu ku xirnaa Cismaan magaalada Jowhar waxaa laga sii daayay xabsiga.

Cismaan waxaa uu soo diyaarin jiray qudbadaha xamaasad gelinta ah isla markaasna muujinaya damiir xumida gumeystaha iyo dibin daabada uu ku hayo ummda soomaaliyeed, waxaa dhici jirtay in dooduhu kulu-laadaan xamaasada ku jirta awgeed, hase yeeshee Cismaan oo ku tilmanaa deganaan waxaa laga faa’iideysan jiray deganaanshihiisa waxay saxiibadii ku tilmaami jireen nin yar oo leh maskax wayeel.

Habeen habeenada ka mid ah waxaa dhacday in isaga iyo Daahir Xaaji Cismaan oo ah halgame ka mid ah 13kii SYL ay fuuleen baabuur ka mid ahaa gaadiidka dadweynaha oo uu lahaa nin Talyaani ah markii uu arkay ninkii baabuurka lahaa waa ka xanaaqay waxaana uu ku amray inay kasoo degaan baabuurka madaama aan loo oggolleyn nin madow ah. Halyeyadaasi Cismaan iyo Daahir waa ay diideen in ay ka degaan baabuurkii dagaal gacan ah ayayna u gesteen ninkii Talyaaniga ahaa, waxaa dagaalkoodii kusoo baxay ciidamadii nabadgelyada waxayna arintooda gaartay wakiilka Ingiriiska u fadhiyay Xamar

kasoo xukumay in:

1. In baabuurka lagala wareego ninkii Talyaaniga ahaa

2. Iyo in dadweynaha soomaaliyeed ay raaci karaan gaadiidka ka shaqeeya gobalka banaadir. Arintani waxaa ay naqatay in dadku ogaadaan in waxa laheyso iyo dadka loo diidayo in ay raacaan baabuurta ay yihiin muwaadiniinta dalka iska leh sidaas darteedna ay kordhiyaan iska caabinta gumeystaha.

Gumeysigu waxa kaloo ay isku dayeen in ay kala qeybiyaan dhalin yaradii soomaaliyeed isagoo isticmaalaya lacago iyo darajooyin aan jirin waxaa uuna damcay in rag uu Cismaan ka mid ahaa la damco lakiin waa ku guul dareystay waxaana dhacday in xabsi loo taxaabay Cismaan iyo rag kale. Waxaa cadaadiska gumeysigu sii saa’iday markii gumeysigii Talyaanigu ku soo noqday waddanka ee loo xil saaray in uu sii haysto soomaaliya tobanka sanno ee daa’qiliyada ah (A.F.I.S, Aministrasione Fiduciariaria Italiano Somalo)

Waxaa jirtay shirkad magaceedu ahaa ceymiska dadka (Assicurosione Italiano), uu gumeysiga Talyaaniga ku tilmaamay in ay u daneyaan shaqaalaha soomaalida ee ku dhaawacma shaqada ay u hayaan dowlada Talyaaniga hase ahaatee ku dhisnayd daneysi shaqaala soomaalidana xaqooda lagu duud siin jiray waxaa dhacday in halgame Cismaan shaqo ka bilaabay shirkada kadib markii loo baahday qof soomaali ah Cismaan ujeedadiisu waxaa ay aheyd sidii uu u soo dhicin lahaa xaqa dadka soomaalida saameyna uu ugu yeelan lahaa waxaa uu ciil ka qabay sida soomaalida loola dhaqmo Cismaan waxaa uu shaqo ka bilaabay xafiiska qiimeynta dhaawaca soo gaara qofka shaqaalaha ah iyo qorida wixii magdhow ah. Maalin maalmaha kamida waxaa dhacday in xafiiska Cismaan hortiisa lagu garaacay niman Talyaani ah kadib markii ay dad badan oo ah xoogsato soomaaliyeed ah xaqoodii duudsiyeen.

Gumeysiga Talyaaniga markii uu arkay dhibaatadaasi ayaa waxa uu doorbiday in uu xafiiskaas u dhiibo nin Soomaali ah si ay dadka soomaaliyeed dhexdooda isaga horyimaadaan oo isku baa’biyaan , hase yeeshee Halgame Cismaan Geedi Raage waa uu ogaa ujeedadiisa, waxa uu qalbiga ku haystay waxa ay ummadiisu ka sugeyso. Isla- markiiba waxa uu dadweynaha soomaaliyeed u muujiyay howl- karnimo ,daacadnimo iyo wadaninimo aad u heer sarraysay isagoo u qabtay wixii ay u baahnayeen xaqoodiina u soo dhiciyay. Tasoo dadkii soomaaliyeed raalli gelisay , tustayna in aas aasayaasha ururka (SYL) halgankoodu xaq yahay kuna dhisan yahay wadaninimo iyo daacadnimo.

Hadaba gumeysigu waxaa uu gartay in Cusmaan yahay waddani dadkiisa jecel kadib markii ay u kuur galeen sida uu dadka soomaaliyeed wax ugu qabanayo oo uu xaqooda ugu doodayo welibana u dedejinaayo wixii ka soo gala shirkadaas. Waxaa uu gumeysigu bilaabay qorshe Cismaan Geedi Raage lagu dhalan rogi lahaa loogana dhigi lahaa shaqsi tiisa kaliya fiirsada isla markaasna ka baxa talooyinka iyo baraarujinta uu ku dhex wado shaqada.

Kadib markii ay u cadaatay gumeystaha in Cismaan Geedi Raage dhibaato ku yahay shirkada gaar ahaan guud ahaana xukunka isticmaarka ayaa gumestihii Cismaan usoo bandhigay in wadanka Talyaaniga loo qaadayo laguna siin doona waxbarasho qaadan doonta 4 afar sannadood. Cismaan waxaa uu fahmay in u jeedadu tahay in lagu xanibo Talyaaniga waana uu diiday inuu aado Itaaliya.

Waxaan la illawi karin karin dagaalkii qaraaraa ee uu gumeysiga ku qaaday gobalada soomaaliyeed gaar ahaan Baydhabo iyo Kismaanyo. Dagaalkaas waxaa ku nafwaayay dad badan oo soomaaliyeed, qaar kalena wey ku hanti beeleyn kuwana waxaa laga buuxiyay xabsiyadii gumeysiga oo ahaa kuwo aad u xun iyadoo aan loo kala soocin waayeen, caruur, dumar iyo rag. Kumanaan ayaa ku dhintay xabsiyadii Talyaaniga kuwana waa ay ku curyaameen.

Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa uu ahaa shaqsi daacad ah yaqaana waxa uu doonayo oo aheyd xornimo waxaa uu ahaa indheer garad , aqoonleh lana socday marxaladihii gumeystaha, waxaa uu lasocday sifiicana u yaqaanay taariikhda reer galbeedka qaas ahaan dhacdooyinkii dhacay dagaalkii 1aad ilaa dagaalkii 2aad ee aduunka iyo siduu gumeysigu ku soo galay Afrika.

Halgame Cismaan Geedi Raage hoygiisu waxaa uu ka mid ahaa meelaha laga abaabulo dhaq-dhaqaaqii SYL tusaale waxaan usoo qadan karnaa markii halyeygii soomaaliyeed Cabdullahi Ciise uu wadanka ka dhoofayay ee uu raadinayay madax-banaanida ummada soomaaliyeed waxaa ay aheyd hoyga Cismaan Geedi Raage halka ay ku tashadeen uuna ku macsalaameyay urukii SYL Cabdullahi Ciise reerkiisuna ku danbeeyeen ilaa iyo intii uu soo noqonayay. Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa uu ahaa naftii hure soomaalinimada iyo wadan jaceykuna ay ku weyn tahay.

Geeridii Cismaan Geedi Raage

Halyey Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa ku geeriyooday degmada wadajir ee magaalada Muqdishu taariikhdu markay aheyd 2.6.1978.

Geerida Cismaan Geedi Raage waxay naxdin gelisay dhamaan ummada soomaaliyeed meel kasta oo ay joogeenba. Waxaa aaskii halyaygaasi ka soo qeyb galay aad u farabadan oo isugu jiray qaraabadiisa , saaxiibadiisa gaar ahaan kuwii ay halganka SYL ku wada jireen intoodii nooleed iyo madax ka socotay dowladda soomaaliya.

Dhamaan dadkii tegay aaska halyeyga waxaa ka muuqday tiiraanyo naxdin laheyd waxaa loo aasay si heer qaran ah waxaana lagu aasay qabuuraha sheekh Suufi.

Halyey Cismaan Geedi Raage waxaa ay dowladii soomaaliyeed ku shartay in loogu magac daro Dugsiga Sare Cismaan Geedi Raage oo ku yaala degmada Howl Wadaag ee magaalada Muqdishu. Sidoo kale waxaa jira markab loogu magacdaray halyeyga Cismaan Geedi Raage.

-Xigasho: Layla Geedi Raage

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Economic planning of the SYL government

The first concerted attempt at economic and social development was undertaken right after independence. The First Five-Year Plan, 1963- 1967 was a bold and ambitious example of planning without facts. To quote the candid admission of the planners: The methodology of planning for the Somali Republic does not follow the usual pattern based on the Gross National Product (G.N.P.) approach, for the simple reason that information about G.N.P. is not available. Certain other necessary data is either not available at all, or if available is unreliable and incomplete. This is true of population, birth and death rates, age distri- bution, immigration and emigration, labour force, employment and un- employment, wages and salaries, areas under different crops, agricultural production, yields of different crops, agricultural holdings, livestock popula- tion, livestock products, livestock trade, forestry, fisheries, small-scale and handicraft industries, building construction, electricity, wholesale and retail trade, price indices, road transport, education, health, personal income and housing.1 The Plan was to spend a total of 1,400 million Somali Shillings (So.Sh.).2 Its simple development strategy concentrated attention on a handful of projects: an increased output of sugar through expanding the productive capacity of the existing factory at Johar; the development of meat packing, fish processing, milk and dairy products, textiles, and a few other industries; the construction or improvement of a number of roads; building three seaports at Kisimayo, Berbera, and Mogadiscio; the expansion of irrigation for crops and fodder; the formation of a number of state farms; and certain improvements in social services, including education and health. Sectoral allocations of planned in- vestment outlays reflected a greater priority for physical infrastructure than agricultural development or population settlement.
 
Twenty-nine per cent of total development outlays were earmarked for transport development, with I7-8 per cent allocated to agricultural projects. Industrial development, with an allocation of I5’7 per cent of the total development budget, was assigned an almost equal priority with agri- culture. Education (6-5 per cent), health (3’0 per cent), housing, settlement, and water supplies (6.5 per cent) were given relatively low priorities. A surprising neglect of the nomadic population can be inferred from the relatively small allocation for settlement, and practically no alloca- tion for land-development projects directly benefiting the nomads. Presumably, this policy was based on a deliberately cautious handling of the large and explosive problem of changing their traditional habits and way of life. The Plan was essentially a public expenditure programme. But it also gave considerable encouragement to private enterprise, offering in- centives in ‘the form of protection, exemption from certain taxes for a limited period and the grant of loans on favourable terms’ to those firms prepared to invest ‘in industries which have a reasonable scope for becoming profitable and the establishment of which is desirable in the national interest. The method of financing the projects envisaged under the First Five- Year Plan was very simple, relying almost entirely on loans and grants from abroad. The chapter of the Plan dealing with financing meticu- lously discusses the theoretical role of public savings, deficit financing, and private savings, but concludes with the following remarks: it will take a few years for the [ordinary] budget to be balanced. Public savings can therefore make a very limited contribution for financing the Plan… The Somali currency by law requires Ioo % backing. Deficit financing is therefore not possible without changing the law… The bulk of [private] savings would be required for financing the private sector of the Plan. Thus private saving cannot be expected to make any substantial con- tribution for financing the public sector of the Plan.2 It appears that these remarks were made with the advantage of considerable hindsight since at the outset of the Plan already 48’4 per cent of the total projected development budget had been procured from ‘friendly countries and agencies’.3 Moreover, no great difficulty was expected in bridging the remaining resource gap, because the U.S.S.R., U.A.R., Czechoslovakia, and the Federal Republic of Germany might raise their contributions. Additional aid was also expected from Kuwait and the People’s Republic of China. International agencies included the World Bank, the International Finance Corporation, the International Development Association, and the United Nations Special Fund.4 With such a diversity of sources to tap, Somalia’s development prospects looked reassuring.
 

Unfortunately, 1964-7 was a period of crises and hardships in the life of the young Somali Republic. Poor rains for two successive years reduced grain production and grazing over a wide area, causing famine among 700,000 nomads and heavy losses of livestock. In I964 there were hostilities along the border with Ethiopia; although a cease-fire was quickly achieved, the incident led the Somali Government to allocate a relatively high proportion of the budget to military purposes at the expense of economic and social development. At the same time the decision of the Somali Government to break diplomatic relations with Britain, because of the inclusion of the Northern Frontier District in an independent Kenya, brought to a sudden end the budgetary aid from Britain at a particularly inopportune moment. Although the Chinese People’s Republic stepped in at once with a grant to offset the first year’s loss, the Chinese grant was not repeated in subsequent years. To make matters worse, the annual budgetary aid from Italy for 1963 and I964 was long overdue, owing to recurrent political and parliamentary crises in that country. These difficulties resulted in a severe decline in the net holdings of foreign reserves and there was a substantial expansion of domestic credit. In 1964 the Republic was able to obtain a stand-by credit arrangement with the I.M.F., which brought temporary financial relief. During the next year the European Economic Community and West Germany offered new economic assistance and the Italian budgetary aid was finally received. However, the closure of the Suez Canal in 1967 immediately resulted in a considerable drop in the export of bananas, the country’s principal exchange earner and the main source of government revenue. It was inevitable that these financial setbacks should seriously impede the progress of development as outlined in the Plan. In fact, a mid-term appraisal conducted in 1966 found that the rate of implementation of projects was only about 25 per cent. The appraisal highlighted a number of factors responsible for the slow progress of the Plan: Non-availability of skilled manpower…the shortage of government contri- butions against local costs of the projects…insufficient working capital allocations for completed public enterprises…serious gaps of qualified personnel in many government departmentsTo make up for delays in implementation, the Government launched in 1968 a two-year Short- Term Development Programme for ‘the consolidation of the work of the First Five- year Plan and the creation of basic con- ditions necessary for the formulation and implementation of future development programmes of a more ambitious nature. Emphasis was to be placed on the completion of ongoing projects, the introduction of basic changes in the administrative structure, in order to gear it to the needs of rapid development, and the mobilisation of more domestic resources. In fact, however, the new Plan differed little from the pre- vious one. It, too, assigned first priority to basic infrastructural projects no less than 70 per cent of the total planned expenditure of 705 million So.Sh. was allocated to transportation, posts and telecommunications, port development, and water supply. Agriculture and related activities were allocated a mere 7-7 per cent, animal husbandry 6-5 per cent, irrigation 9-0  per cent, industry, power, and mining 5’4 per cent, social infrastructure 9-o per cent, and statistics and cartography o04 per cent of the development budget. As in the previous Plan, there was almost complete reliance on foreign economic assistance in financing develop- ment projects: only I2’5per cent of the total expenditure was to be raised from domestic sources. The progress under the Short- Term Development Programme was no better than under the previous one – and for much the same kind of reasons. In October i969 the army staged a successful coup d’etat and the country has been under military rule since. There were popular charges of widespread corruption and maladministration of development funds and foreign aid proceeds in the hands of the previous regime, and a number of prominent political figures and civil servants were put in jail pending legal action. Thus the first decade in the life of independent Somalia, starting as it did with great hopes and an ambitious attempt at social and economic development, closed with little demonstrable progress towards these objectives. Indeed, evidence suggests that living standards, on average, were lower at the close of the decade than at its beginning.1 It is there- fore apt to inquire whether foreign aid to Somalia played any useful role or what sort of contribution it made.

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The Shifta war of 1963-1967

 The Shifta War (1963–1967) was a secessionist conflict in which ethnic Somalis in the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya (a region that is and has historically been almost exclusively inhabited by ethnic Somalis attempted to join with their fellow Somalis in a Greater Somalia.

Background of the NFD

Throughout much of the 20th century, the Northern Frontier District (NFD) used to be a part of British East Africa. From 1926 to 1934, the NFD, comprising the current North Eastern Province and the districts of Marsabit, Moyale and Isiolo,was closed by British colonial authorities. Movement in and out of the district was possible only through the use of “passes”.Despite these restrictions, pastoralism was well-suited to the arid conditions and the non-Somali residents—who represented a tiny fraction of the region’s population _ were relatively prosperous, whereas the Somali owners of the land were calculated in under-developement.

The conflict

The province thus entered a period of running skirmishes between the Kenyan Army and Somali-backed Northern Frontier District Liberation Movement (NFDLM) insurgents. One immediate consequence was the signing in 1964 of a Mutual Defense Treaty between Jomo Kenyatta’s administration and the government of Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie.The start of the Bale revolt in Ethiopia in 1963 indicated to both Kenya and Ethiopia the need for cooperation in checking Somali irredentism.[ However, the treaty had little effect as the Kenyan army was not able to stem the cross-border flow of materiel from Somalia to the guerrillas.

At the outset of the war, the government declared a State of Emergency. This consisted of allowing security forces to detain people up to 56 days without trial, confiscating the property of communities allegedly in retaliation for acts of violence, and restricting the right to assembly and movement. A ‘prohibited zone’ was created along the Somali border, and the death penalty was made mandatory for unauthorized possession of firearms. “Special courts” without guarantee of due process were also created. The northeast — declared a “special district” — was subject to nearly unfettered government control, including the authority to detain, arrest or forcibly move individuals or groups, as well as confiscate possessions and land.However, as part of its effort to reassure the public, the Voice of Kenya was warned not to refer to the conflict as a “border dispute”, while a special government committee decided to refer to the rebels as “shiftas” in order to minimize the political nature of the war.

Over the course of the war, the new Kenyan government became increasingly concerned by the growing strength of the Somali military. At independence, Somalia had a weak army of 5000 troops that was incapable of exerting itself beyond its borders. However, in 1963, the Somali government appealed for assistance from the Soviet Union, which responded by lending it about $32 million. By 1969, 800 Somali officers had received Soviet training, while the army had expanded to over 23,000 well-equipped troops. The Kenyan fear that the insurgency might escalate into an all-out war with phalanxes of well-equipped Somali troops was coupled with a concern about the new insurgent tactic of planting land mines. In a July 29, 1966 letter, Kenyan Defence Permanent Secretary Danson Mlamba warned Information and Broadcasting PS Peter Gachathi of:

Mounting casualties to the army and police… and the last incident, which we are keeping quiet about, when a police Land Rover was blown up by a mine which killed two officers and wrecked the vehicle is a very serious development.

The Kenyan government response may have been inspired by the counter-insurgency efforts taken by the British during the Mau Mau Uprising, which had been spearheaded by the Kikuyu, who now ironically dominated the Kenya African National Union-led government. Gachathi mused that they should perhaps “take a leaf from the (British) operations carried out during the emergency against the Mau Mau movement which, I am sure you will agree, were considerably effective.” In 1967, Kenyan fears reached a fever pitch, and a special government committee was created to prepare for a full-scale war with Somalia. The government also adopted a policy of compulsory villagization in the war-affected area. In 1967, the populace was moved into 14Manyattas, villages that were guarded by troops (some referred to them as concentration camps). East Africa scholar Alex de Waal described the result as “a military assault upon the entire pastoral way of life,” as enormous numbers of livestock were confiscated or killed, partly to deny their use by the guerrillas and partly to force the populace to abandon their flocks and move to a Manyatta. Thus, made destitute, many nomads became an urban underclass, while educated Somalis in Kenya fled the country. The government also removed the dynastic Sultans, who were the traditional leaders, with low-ranking government-appointed chiefs.

In 1967, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda mediated peace talks between Somali Prime Minister Mohamed Egal and Kenyatta. These bore fruit in October 1967, when the governments of Kenya and Somalia signed a Memorandum of Understanding that resulted in a ceasefire. But after a 1969 coup in Somalia, the new military leader Mohamed Siad Barre, abolished this MoU as he claimed it was corrupt and unsatisfactory. The Manyattastrategy is seen as playing a key role in ending the insurgency, though the Somali government may have also decided that the potential benefits of a war simply was not worth the cost and risk. However, Somalia did not renounce its claim to Greater Somalia.

With Somali support for their movement for self-determination temporarily halted, many former rebels returned to the traditional activity of pastoralism.

The forced internment of the Northern Frontier District’s inhabitants also resulted in an economic bifurcation of its other minority residents. Those with means diversified into trade and sedentary farming. Those without became wage laborers, while the poorest were reduced to dependence on outside relief aid. Anthropologist John Baxter returned to the village in Isiolo District that he had researched in 1953, and had this to say about the few non-Somali minority tribes that lived at the time alongside the Somali majority:

In 1982, only a few fortunate ones still maintained themselves through stock pastoralism. Some 40 percent of the Boran and Sakuye of the District had been driven to peri-urban shanty villages in the new administrative townships. There, they eked out a bare subsistence, hanging around the petrol stations for odd jobs, hawking for miraa, making illicit alcohol, engaging in prostitution and the like.

The war thus marked the beginning of decades of violent crackdowns and repressive measures by the police in the NFD coupled with trumped-up allegations and unsubtle innuendo on the part of the Kenyan media charging the region’s almost exclusively Somali inhabitants with “banditry” and other vice.

A particularly violent incident referred to as the Wagalla Massacre took place in 1984, when the Kenyan provincial commissioner ordered security forces to gather 5000 men of the Somali Degodia clan onto the airstrip at Wagalla, Wajir, open fire on them, and then attempt to hide their bodies. In the year 2000, the government admitted to having killed 380 people, though independent estimates put the toll at over 2000.

Not until late 2000 and the administration of Provincial Commissioner Mohammoud Saleh — a Somali—was there a serious drop in violent activities, partially attributable to Saleh’s zero tolerance policy towards abuse by security forces. Ironically, Saleh himself was the target of the local police, having been arrested and booked several times during the wee hours of the night. Wearing plain clothes, Saleh was apparently mistaken for an ordinary inhabitant of the NFD

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Trusteeship and Protectorate: The Road to Independence

The conditional return of Italian administration to southern Somalia gave the new trust territory several unique advantages compared with other African colonies. To the extent that Italy held the territory by UN mandate, the trusteeship provisions gave the Somalis the opportunity to gain experience in political education and self-government. These were advantages that British Somaliland, which was to be incorporated into the new Somali state, did not have. Although in the 1950s British colonial officials attempted, through various development efforts, to make up for past neglect, the protectorate stagnated. The disparity between the two territories in economic development and political experience would cause serious difficulties when it came time to integrate the two parts.

The UN agreement established the Italian Trusteeship Administration (Amministrazione Fiduciaria Italiana della Somalia–AFIS) to prepare southern Somalia for independence over a ten-year period. Under the agreement, a UN Advisory Council based in Mogadishu observed the AFIS and reported its progress to the UN Trusteeship Council. The agreement required the new administration to develop the colony’s political institutions, to expand the educational system, to improve the economic infrastructure, and to give the indigenous people freedom of the press and the right to dissent. These political and civil guarantees did not make for smooth Italo-Somali relations. Seen by the Italians as the source of nationalist sentiment and activity, the SYL distrusted the new administration, suspecting it of having a hidden colonial agenda. SYL fears were exacerbated when the AFIS, soon after taking control, proceeded to jail some SYL members and to fire others from their civil service posts. The SYL responded with protests, civil disobedience, and representations to the UN Advisory Council. The council intervened to arbitrate the disputes and to encourage the two sides to collaborate. The conflict simmered for three years (1950-53) until new economic and political initiatives provided a channel for the energies of Somali nationalists.

The centerpiece of the initiatives was a series of seven-year development programs introduced in 1954. Drawing on development blueprints provided by the United States Agency for International Cooperation (AIC; later the United States Agency for International Development–AID) and the UN Development Programme, the Italian administration initiated plans to stimulate local agriculture, to improve the infrastructure, and to expand educational facilities. Exports, responding to these stimuli, trebled from 1954 to 1960. Despite these improvements, an acute balance of payments deficit persisted, and the administration had to rely on foreign grants and Italian subsidies to balance the budget.

Development efforts in education were more successful. Between 1952 and 1957, student enrollment at the elementary and secondary levels doubled. In 1957 there were 2,000 students receiving secondary, technical, and university education in Italian Somaliland and through scholarship programs in China, Egypt, and Italy. Another program offered night-school adult literacy instruction and provided further training to civil servants. However, these programs were severely handicapped by the absence of a standard script and a written national language. Arabic, Italian, and English served as media of instruction in the various schools; this linguistic plurality created a Tower of Babel.

Progress was made throughout the 1950s in fostering political institutions. In accordance with a UN resolution, in 1950 the Italians had established in Italian Somaliland an advisory body known as the Territorial Council, which took an active part in discussions of proposed AFIS legislation. Composed of thirty-five members, the council came to be dominated by representatives of political parties such as the SYL and HDM. Acting as a nascent parliament, the Territorial Council gained experience not only in procedural matters but also in legislative debates on the political, economic, and social problems that would face future Somali governments. For its part the AFIS, by working closely with the council, won legitimacy in Somali eyes.

There were other forums, besides the Territorial Council, in which Somalis gained executive and legislative experience. These included the forty-eight-member Municipal Council introduced in 1950, whose members dealt with urban planning, public services, and, after 1956, fiscal and budgetary matters. Rural councils handled tribal and local problems such as conflicts over grazing grounds and access to water and pasturelands. However, the effectiveness of the rural councils was undermined by the wanderings of the nomads as they searched for water wells and pastures, a circumstance that made stable political organizations difficult to sustain. Thus, the UN Advisory Council’s plans to use the rural councils as bridges to development turned out to be untenable, a situation that enabled AFIS-appointed district commissioners to become the focus of power and political action.

Territory-wide elections were first held in southern Somalia in 1956. Although ten parties fielded candidates to select representatives to a new seventy-seat Legislative Assembly that replaced the Territorial Council, only the SYL (which won forty- three seats) and HDM (which won thirteen seats) gained significant percentages of the sixty seats that the Somalis contested. The remaining ten seats were reserved for Indians, Arabs, and other non-Somalia. Abdullaahi Iise, leader of the SYL in the assembly, became the first prime minister of a government composed of five ministerial posts, all held by Somalis. The new assembly assumed responsibility for domestic affairs, although the governor as representative of the Italian government and as the most senior official of the AFIS retained the “power of absolute veto” as well as the authority to rule by emergency decree should the need arise. Moreover, until 1958 the AFIS continued to control important areas such as foreign relations, external finance, defense, and public order.

The term of office of the Iise government was four years (1956-60)–a trial period that enabled the nascent southern Somali administration to shape the terms under which it was to gain its independence. This period was the most stable in modern Somali politics. The government’s outlook was modernist and, once the Somalis become convinced that Italy would not attempt to postpone independence, pro-Italian. The franchise was extended to women in 1958, and nationalization at all levels of administration from district commissioner to provincial governor proceeded apace. Attempts were made to suppress clannishness and to raise the status of women and of groups holding lowly occupations. The future promised hope: the moral support of global anticolonial forces, the active backing of the UN, and the goodwill of the Western powers, including Italy.

The southern Somali government’s principal tasks were to increase economic self-sufficiency and to find external sources of financial assistance that would replace the support Italy would withdraw after independence. Another major concern was to frame the constitution that would take effect once Somalia became independent. The writers of this document faced two sensitive issues: the form of government–federalist or unitary–the new nation would adopt, and nationalist aspirations concerning Greater Somalia. The first issue was of great interest to the HDM, whose supporters mainly were cultivators from the well- watered region between the Shabeelle and Jubba rivers and who represented about 30 percent of the population. The HDM wanted a federal form of government. This preference derived from concerns about dominance by the SYL, which was supported by pastoral clans that accounted for 60 percent of the population (Daarood and Hawiye;) Not surprisingly, the SYL advocated a unitary form of government, arguing that federalism would encourage clannishness and social strife. In the end, political and numerical strength enabled the SYL to prevail.

The delicate issue of Greater Somalia, whose recreation would entail the detachment from Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Kenya of Somali-inhabited areas, presented Somali leaders with a dilemma: they wanted peace with their neighbors, but making claims on their territory was certain to provoke hostility. Led by Haaji Mahammad Husseen, the SYL radical wing wanted to include in the constitution an article calling for the unification of the Somali nation “by all means necessary.” In the end, the moderate majority prevailed in modifying the wording to demand “reunification of the dismembered nation by peaceful means.”

During the four-year transition to independence, conflicts over unresolved economic and political issues took the form of intraparty squabbling within the dominant SYL rather than interparty competition, as Daarood and Hawiye party stalwarts banded into factions. The Daarood accused Iise’s government of being under Italian influence and the Hawiye countered with a charge of clannishness in the Daarood ranks. Husseen’s radical faction continued to charge Iise’s government with being too close to the West, and to Italy in particular, and of doing little to realize the national goal of reconstituting Greater Somalia. Despite his rift with prime minister Iise, Husseen, who had headed the party in the early years, was again elected SYL president in July 1957. But his agenda of looser ties with the West and closer relations with the Arab world clashed with the policies of Iise and of Aadan Abdullah Usmaan, the parliamentary leader who would become the first president of independent Somalia. Husseen inveighed against “reactionaries in government,” a thinly veiled reference to Iise and Usmaan. The latter two responded by expelling Husseen and his supporters from the SYL. Having lost the power struggle, Husseen created a militant new party, the Greater Somali League (GSL). Although Husseen’s firebrand politics continued to worry the SYL leadership, he never managed to cut deeply into the party’s constituency.

The SYL won the 1958 municipal elections in the Italian trust territory, in part because it had begun to succeed in attracting important Rahanwayn clan elements like Abdulqaadir Soppe, who formerly had supported the HDM. Its growing appeal put the SYL in a commanding position going into the pre-independence election campaigns for the National Assembly of the Republic, a new body that replaced the two legislative assemblies of British and Italian Somaliland. The National Assembly had been enlarged to contain ninety seats for southern representatives and thirty- three for northern representatives. The HDM and the GSL accused the SYL of tampering with the election process and decided to boycott the elections. Consequently, the SYL garnered sixty-one uncontested seats by default, in addition to the twenty seats contested and won by the party. The new government formed in 1959 was headed by incumbent prime minister Iise. The expanded SYL gave representation to virtually all the major clans in the south. Although efforts were made to distribute the fifteen cabinet posts among the contending clan-families, a political tug-of-war within the party continued between conservatives from the religious communities and modernists such as Abdirashiid Ali Shermaarke.

Meanwhile, in British Somaliland the civilian colonial administration attempted to expand educational opportunities in the protectorate. The number of Somalis qualifying for administrative posts remained negligible, however. The protectorate had experienced little economic or infrastructural development apart from the digging of more bore wells and the establishment of agricultural and veterinary services to benefit animal and plant husbandry. Comprehensive geological surveys failed to uncover exploitable mineral resources.

Politically, although the SYL opened branches in the north and the SNL continued to expand its membership, neither party could mobilize grass-roots support. This changed in 1954, when the last British liaison officers withdrew from the Reserved Areas–parts of the Ogaden and the Haud in which the British were given temporary administrative rights, in accordance with a 1942 military convention between Britain and Ethiopian emperor in exile Haile Selassie. This move conformed with Britain’s agreement with Ethiopia confirming the latter’s title deeds to the Haud under the 1897 treaty that granted Ethiopia full jurisdiction over the region. The British colonial administrators of the area were, however, embarrassed by what they saw as Britain’s betrayal of the trust put in it by Somali clans who were to be protected against Ethiopian raids.

The Somalis responded with dismay to the ceding of the Haud to Ethiopia. A new party named the National United Front (NUF), supported by the SNL and the SYL, arose under the leadership of a Somali civil servant, Michael Mariano, a prominent veteran of the SYL’s formative years. Remarkably, for the militantly Muslim country, the man selected to lead the nationalist struggle for the return of the Haud, was a Christian. NUF representatives visited London and the UN seeking to have the Haud issue brought before the world community, in particular the International Court of Justice. Britain attempted unsuccessfully to purchase the Haud from Ethiopia. Ethiopia responded with a counterprotest laying claim to all Somali territories, including the British and Italian Somalilands, as part of historical Ethiopia–territories, Haile Selassie claimed, seized by the European powers during a period of Ethiopian weakness. The Europeans were reluctant to press new territorial demands on Haile Selassie and did little to help the Somalis recover the Haud.

Political protests forced Britain in 1956 to introduce representative government in its protectorate and to accept the eventual unification of British Somaliland with southern Somalia. Accordingly, in 1957 a Legislative Council was established, composed of six members appointed by the governor to represent the principal clan-families. The council was expanded the following year to consist of twelve elected members, two appointees, and fifteen senior elders and notables chosen as ex officio members. The electoral procedure in the north followed that in the south, with elections in urban areas conducted by secret ballot and in the countryside by acclamation in clan assemblies. In 1960 the first elections contested along party lines resulted in a victory for the SNL and its affiliate the USP, the two winning between them all but one of the thirty-three seats in the new Legislative Assembly. The remaining seat was won by Mariano, the NUF’s defeat clearly attributable to his Christian affiliation, which his political opponents had made a prominent campaign issue. Following the election, Mahammad Ibrahim Igaal was chosen as prime minister to lead a four-man government.

Popular demand compelled the leaders of the two territories to proceed with plans for immediate unification. The British government acquiesced to the force of Somali nationalist public opinion and agreed to terminate its rule of Somaliland in 1960 in time for the protectorate to merge with the trust territory on the independence date already fixed by the UN commission. In April 1960, leaders of the two territories met in Mogadishu and agreed to form a unitary state. An elected president was to be head of state. Full executive powers would be held by a prime minister answerable to an elected National Assembly of 123 members representing the two territories. Accordingly, British Somaliland received its independence on June 26, 1960, and united with the trust territory to establish the Somali Republic on July 1, 1960. The legislature appointed Usmaan president; he in turn appointed Shermaarke the first prime minister. Shermaarke formed a coalition government dominated by the SYL but supported by the two clan-based northern parties, the SNL and the USC. Usmaan’s appointment as president was ratified a year later in a national referendum.

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Brief introduction of the Somali Youth League

The Somali Youth League (SYL) was the first political party in Somalia. It played a key role in Somalia’s road to independence during the 1950′s and 1960′s.

During the Second World War, Britain occupied the Italian Somaliland and administered the territory from 1941 to 1950. It was during this period (1943) that the Somali Youth League (SYL) was formed. The SYL succeeded in uniting all Somali clans under its flag and led the country to independence. Faced with growing Italian political pressure inimical to continued British tenure and to Somali aspirations for independence, the Somalis and the British came to see each other as allies. The situation prompted British colonial officials to encourage the Somalis to organize politically; the result was the first modern Somali political party, the Somali Youth Club (SYC), established in Mogadishu in 1943.

To empower the new party, the British allowed the better educated police and civil servants to join it. In 1947, it renamed itself the Somali Youth League (SYL) and began to open offices not only in the two British-run Somalilands but also in the Ogaden and in the Northern Frontier District (NFD). The SYL’s stated objectives were to unify all Somali territories, including the NFD and the Ogaden; to create opportunities for universal modern education; to develop the Somali language by a standard national orthography; to safeguard Somali interests; and to oppose the restoration of Italian rule. SYL policy banned clannishness so that the thirteen founding members, although representing four of Somalia’s five major clans, refused to disclose their clan affiliations. Although the SYL enjoyed considerable popular support from northerners, the principal parties in British Somaliland were the Somali National League (SNL), mainly associated with the Isaaq clan-family, and the United Somali Party (USP), which had the support of the Dir (Gadabuursi and Issa) and Darod (Dulbahante and Warsangali) clan-families.

In 1945, the Potsdam conference was held, where it was decided not to return Italian Somaliland to Italy. The United Nations opted instead in November 1949 to grant Italy trusteeship of Italian Somaliland, but only under close supervision and on the condition — first proposed by the SYL and other nascent Somali political organizations, such as Hizbia Digil Mirifle Somali (HDMS) (which later became Hizbia Dastur Mustaqbal Somali and the SNL, that were then agitating for independence — that Somalia achieve independence within ten years.

British Somaliland remained a protectorate of Britain until June 26, 1960, when it became independent. The former Italian Somaliland followed suit five days later.On July 1, 1960, the two territories united to form the Somali Republic, albeit within boundaries drawn up by Italy and Britain.A government was formed by Abdullahi Issa with Aden Abdullah Osman Daar as President,and Abdirashid Ali Shermarke as Prime Minister, later to become President (from 1967-1969). On July 20, 1961 and through a popular referendum, the Somali people ratified a new constitution, which was first drafted in 1960.

In the first national elections after independence, held on 30 March 1964, the SYL won an absolute majority of 69 of the 123 parliamentary seats. The remaining seats were divided among 11 parties. Five years from then, in general elections held in March 1969, the ruling SYL, led by Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, was returned to power, but in the same year a military coup took place, putting Siad Barre in power and in October 1969, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) prohibited all political parties.

Problems of National Integration

Although unified as a single nation at independence, the south and the north were, from an institutional perspective, two separate countries. Italy and Britain had left the two with separate administrative, legal, and education systems in which affairs were conducted according to different procedures and in different languages. Police, taxes, and the exchange rates of their respective currencies also differed. Their educated elites had divergent interests, and economic contacts between the two regions were virtually nonexistent. In 1960 the UN created the Consultative Commission for Integration, an international board headed by UN official Paolo Contini, to guide the gradual merger of the new country’s legal systems and institutions and to reconcile the differences between them. (In 1964 the Consultative Commission for Legislation succeeded this body. Composed of Somalis, it took up its predecessor’s work under the chairmanship of Mariano.) But many southerners believed that, because of experience gained under the Italian trusteeship, theirs was the better prepared of the two regions for self-government. Northern political, administrative, and commercial elites were reluctant to recognize that they now had to deal with Mogadishu.

At independence, the northern region had two functioning political parties: the SNL, representing the Isaaq clan-family that constituted a numerical majority there; and the USP, supported largely by the Dir and the Daarood. In a unified Somalia, however, the Isaaq were a small minority, whereas the northern Daarood joined members of their clan-family from the south in the SYL. The Dir, having few kinsmen in the south, were pulled on the one hand by traditional ties to the Hawiye and on the other hand by common regional sympathies to the Isaaq. The southern opposition party, the GSL, pro-Arab and militantly panSomali , attracted the support of the SNL and the USP against the SYL, which had adopted a moderate stand before independence.

Northern misgivings about being too tightly harnessed to the south were demonstrated by the voting pattern in the June 1961 referendum on the constitution, which was in effect Somalia’s first national election. Although the draft was overwhelmingly approved in the south, it was supported by less than 50 percent of the northern electorate.

Dissatisfaction at the distribution of power among the clanfamilies and between the two regions boiled over in December 1961, when a group of British-trained junior army officers in the north rebelled in reaction to the posting of higher ranking southern officers (who had been trained by the Italians for police duties) to command their units. The ringleaders urged a separation of north and south. Northern noncommissioned officers arrested the rebels, but discontent in the north persisted.

In early 1962, GSL leader Husseen, seeking in part to exploit northern dissatisfaction, attempted to form an amalgamated party, known as the Somali Democratic Union (SDU). It enrolled northern elements, some of which were displeased with the northern SNL representatives in the coalition government. Husseen’s attempt failed. In May 1962, however, Igaal and another northern SNL minister resigned from the cabinet and took many SNL followers with them into a new party, the Somali National Congress (SNC), which won widespread northern support. The new party also gained support in the south when it was joined by an SYL faction composed predominantly of Hawiye. This move gave the country three truly national political parties and further served to blur north-south differences.

3/12/1963 Relations with Britain are severed due to disputes over the Somali-inhabited Northern Frontier District in Kenya. In November, first military agreement with the Soviet Union.

Pan-Somalism

Despite the difficulties encountered in integrating north and south, the most important political issue in postindependence Somali politics was the unification of all areas populated by Somalis into one country–a concept identified as pan-Somalism, or Greater Somalia. Politicians assumed that this issue dominated popular opinion and that any government would fall if it did not demonstrate a militant attitude toward neighboring countries occupying Somali territory.

Preoccupation with Greater Somalia shaped the character of the country’s newly formed institutions and led to the build-up of the Somali military and ultimately to the war with Ethiopia and fighting in the NFD in Kenya. By law the exact size of the National Assembly was not established in order to facilitate the inclusion of representatives of the contested areas after unification. The national flag featured a five-pointed star whose points represented those areas claimed as part of the Somali nation–the former Italian and British territories, the Ogaden, Djibouti, and the NFD. Moreover, the preamble to the constitution approved in 1961 included the statement, “The Somali Republic promotes by legal and peaceful means, the union of the territories.” The constitution also provided that all ethnic Somalis, no matter where they resided, were citizens of the republic. The Somalis did not claim sovereignty over adjacent territories, but rather demanded that Somalis living in them be granted the right to self-determination. Somali leaders asserted that they would be satisfied only when their fellow Somalis outside the republic had the opportunity to decide for themselves what their status would be.

At the 1961 London talks on the future of Kenya, Somali representatives from the NFD demanded that Britain arrange for the NFD’s separation before Kenya was granted independence. The British government appointed a commission to ascertain popular opinion in the NFD on the question. Its investigation indicated that separation from Kenya was almost unanimously supported by the Somalis and their fellow nomadic pastoralists, the Oromo. These two peoples, it was noted, represented a majority of the NFD’s population.

Despite Somali diplomatic activity, the colonial government in Kenya did not act on the commission’s findings. British officials believed that the federal format then proposed in the Kenyan constitution would provide a solution through the degree of autonomy it allowed the predominantly Somali region within the federal system. This solution did not diminish Somali demands for unification, however, and the modicum of federalism disappeared after Kenya’s government opted for a centralized constitution in 1964.

The denial of Somali claims led to growing hostility between the Kenyan government and Somalis in the NFD. Adapting easily to life as shiftas, or bandits, the Somalis conducted a guerrilla campaign against the police and army for more than four years between 1960 and 1964. The Somali government officially denied Kenya’s charges that the guerrillas were trained in Somalia, equipped there with Soviet arms, and directed from Mogadishu. But it could not deny that the Voice of Somalia radio influenced the level of guerrilla activity by means of its broadcasts beamed into Kenya.

Somalia refused to acknowledge in particular the validity of the Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1954 recognizing Ethiopia’s claim to the Haud or, in general, the relevance of treaties defining Somali-Ethiopian borders. Somalia’s position was based on three points: first, that the treaties disregarded agreements made with the clans that had put them under British protection; second, that the Somalis were not consulted on the terms of the treaties and in fact had not been informed of their existence; and third, that such treaties violated the self-determination principle.

Incidents began to occur in the Haud within six months after Somali independence. At first the incidents were confined to minor clashes between Ethiopian police and armed parties of Somali nomads, usually resulting from traditional provocations such as smuggling, livestock rustling, and tax collecting, rather than irredentist agitation. Their actual causes aside, these incidents tended to be viewed in Somalia as expressions of Somali nationalism. Hostilities grew steadily, eventually involving small-scale actions between Somali and Ethiopian armed forces along the border. In February 1964, armed conflict erupted along the Somali-Ethiopian frontier, and Ethiopian aircraft raided targets in Somalia. Hostilities ended in April through the mediation of Sudan, acting under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Under the terms of the cease-fire, a joint commission was established to examine the causes of frontier incidents, and a demilitarized zone ten to fifteen kilometers wide was established on either side of the border. At least temporarily, further military confrontations were prevented.

Ethiopia and Kenya concluded a mutual defense pact in 1964 in response to what both countries perceived as a continuing threat from Somalia. This pact was renewed in 1980 and again on August 28, 1987, calling for the coordination of the armed forces of both states in the event of an attack by Somalia. Most OAU members were alienated by Somali irredentism and feared that if Somalia were successful in detaching the Somali-populated portions of Kenya and Ethiopia, the example might inspire their own restive minorities divided by frontiers imposed during the colonial period. In addition, in making its irredentist claims, the Somalis had challenged two of Africa’s leading elder statesmen, President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia.

1963 – Border dispute with Kenya; diplomatic relations with Britain broken until 1968.

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-Jamhuriyadda Dimoqraadiga Soomaaliya

-Jaamacadda Ummada Soomaaliyeed

-Kulliyadda Waxbrashada Lafoole

-Buugga Qalin Jebinta ee Shahaadada B.A (1988)

-Lataliye Prof . Axmed Jimcaale Maxamed

 

Sufism in nineteenth century Benaadir

Merchants and Ulama, Blood and Patronage:

The Urban Sufi Phenomenon

At the same time that the Benaadiri community began to experience the crisis of the late nineteenth century, organized Sufi turuqgained popularity in the towns of the coast. From the last quarter of the nineteenth century through the middle of the twentieth, the various turuq played a central role in Somali society. While Sufism was known in Somalia before that time, it was largely the preserve of a few ascetics; it only emerged as a prominent social movement under the guidance of charismatic preachers after 1880. The efforts of these clerics were so successful by the beginning of the Second World War, it was estimated that virtually all Somali males identified, at least nominally, with one of the local schools of Sufism: the Qadiriyya, Ahmadiyya, or Salihiyya. Modern scholars of Somali history and culture have amply demonstrated the importance of rural saints, shaykhs, and local preachers, orwadaads. In addition to their spiritual roles, these men frequently acted as advisors, mediators, and even political leaders amongst the clans of the interior. An examination of the manaqib and urban oral traditions reveals that the townspeople of the Benaadir coast also participated in a vibrant mystical culture and, as I will show below, played a pivotal role in Sufism’s expansion number of influential shaykhs of the period made their mark in the largely urban milieu of the coast. Foremost among these was the Qadirishaykh Uways b. Muhammad (1847–1909). Born in the southernmost Benaadir town of Barawe, Shaykh Uways is credited by his followers with the almost single-handed revival of the Qadiriyya order in East Africa.

Accounts of Uways’ childhood, education, and travels have been widely documented: between 1880 and his death in 1909, the Shaykh succeeded in spreading what became known as the Uwaysiyya branch of the Qadiriyya throughout southern Somalia and along the East African littoral as far south as Tanganyika. The writings of most western-trained scholars concentrate on Uways’ activities among rural and disadvantaged peoples. Qadiri oral and written traditions emphasize the attraction the Shaykh held for all segments of society, rural and urban, elites and non-elites. As the quote at the beginning of this article clearly indicates, Qadiri disciples viewed Uways as an important presence in the towns of the Benaadir as well as its villages and hinterland.

 

The Shaykh’s influence among the urban mercantile classes is demonstrated in numerous written and oral manaqib. His first miracle is said to have been performed in Mogadishu among the merchants of the town whom he “saved” from their reputedly immoral ways and initiated into the path of the Qadiriyya.

This incident will be discussed more fully below. Here it is important to note that according to oral and written hagiographies, following this incident, hundreds of townsmen from all social classes, “both free and slave,” flocked to the side of the Shaykh and joined the Qadiriyya as muridun. These new adherents included many of the local ulama, including Shaykh Abd al-Rahman b. Abdullah al-Shanshy, known more commonly as Shaykh Sufi; members of the political elite, most notably Imam Mahmud b. Binyamin al-Yaquubi, leader of the Abgaal clan, the dominant political force in the Shangani quarter of the city; and many members of the merchant class. Although less dramatic than the arrival of the Qadiriyya in Mogadishu, the appearance of the Ahmadiyya also attracted ready adherents from the urban peoples of the Benaadir. The advent of the Ahmadiyya on the coast is credited not to the emergence of a single charismatic holy man but to the efforts of a number of shaykhs deputized to spread the word of the order by an Ahmadi leader from Arabia, Shaykh Mowlan Abd al-Rahman.

According to most oral accounts, Shaykh Mowlan came to the Benaadir coast a few years before the return of Shaykh Uways and installed five pious men as representatives of the order. These five then proceeded to spread the teachings of the order along the coast and up the Jubba valley. While never as numerically large as their Qadiriyya counterpart, the Ahmadiyya had, by the end of the nineteenth century, spread throughout the Jubba valley, making it, by some accounts, the preeminent tariqa along the river. During the same period, large Ahmadiyya followings formed in the towns of Barawe and Marka under the leadership of Shaykhs Nurayn Ahmad Sabr and Ali Maye respectively. A small Ahmadiyya community also formed in Mogadishu, although some contend that membership there consisted primarily of immigrants from the other two towns.

Exact data for the numbers of townsmen attracted to the various turuq are non-existent. Family histories suggest that by the turn of the twentieth century most men claimed at least nominal attachment to one of the main turuq, the Qadiriyya, Ahmadiyya, or, more rarely, Salihiyya. Similarly, an early Italian administrator in the interior trading center of Luuq in the 1890s noted the prominence of tariqa membership among the community of merchants from the coast. One of the distinctive features of the turuq in the towns was the extent to which the lives of religious practitioners and merchants were closely intertwined. While it was possible to find among the mercantile inhabitants of the Benaadir towns those who were concerned only with commerce and others who followed purely religious pursuits, the social lines between these groups were hardly distinct. The lives of religious practitioners and lay people were closely linked. Their worlds intersected through ties of tariqa affiliation, kinship, and patronage. Sometimes individuals were both religious practitioners and merchants. Few urban lineages were exclusively religious in character. An exception was the Reer Faqih, also known as the Banu Qahtan, of Mogadishu, a clan of religious scholars, who, until the advent of colonial rule, held a local monopoly over the position of qadi, or judge. In general, however, urban families and lineage units tended to be involved in both religious and secular spheres of society. Many families, in fact, counted both ulama and merchants among their members. While urbanites claim that this was a custom carried out from “time immemorial,” evidence of its practice can only be dated to the later nineteenth century and is largely connected to the rise of the turuq. During this period, most merchant families hoped ideally to direct at least one of their sons to religious pursuits and the study of ilm (the religious sciences), while the others took up commerce or various trades. Such was the case of Faqih (“jurist”) Yusuf, of Mogadishu’s Shangani quarter during the early twentieth century. According to family traditions related by his grandson, the Faqi and several other brothers dedicated their lives to study, supported by several younger siblings who became small merchants and tailors. Occasionally, this strategy produced a noted scholar or holy man. Shaykh Ahmad Nurayn, a respected nineteenth-century jurist and early leader of the Ahmadiyya tariqa from Barawe, for example, was a member of the notable Hatimy clan of merchants. Similarly, Shaykh Abd al-Rahman Sufi., poet and early Qadiriyya leader in Mogadishu, came from the commercial Shanshiyya clan. Obviously, not every family or lineage could hope to produce a scholar or holy man of prominence.

For merchants who lacked a prominent relative among the ranks of the ulama, or Sufi leadership, supporting religious institutions such as mosques or student hostels through endowments of waqf or patronizing individual religious notables were the most common means of acquiring spiritual capital. In Mogadishu, as in most places in the Islamic world, notables regularly provided funds for the construction and maintenance of mosques and other religious structures. Evidence from epigraphs demonstrates that from as early as the eleventh century, local personages, including a number of women, supported the construction of mosques in the oldest sections of the town. The Italian ethnologist Enrico Cerulli noted that one of the earliest inscriptions found in Mogadishu’s main jami or Friday mosque indicated that it was constructed around 1238 and endowed by a local notable, Kululah b. Muhammad. Similarly, the Somali historian Sharif Aydrus b. Ali provides a detailed list of prominent mosques built and maintained by local persons of note through the mid-twentieth century (Aydrus 1954:39). In the hagiographies and oral traditions of the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, mention of such endowments is rare.

Rather than endowing centralized institutions, benefactors subsidized the activities of individual Sufi masters, students, and scholars. The funding of scholarly activities could take a variety of forms. The most direct of these was the distribution of personal largesse. Local benefactors, for instance, might present regular or occasional gifts of cash, livestock, or other foodstuffs to a shaykh or alim in order to help finance the latter’s study and instruction of students or, more rarely, the practice of traditional/Islamic medicine. Alternatively, a merchant might provide an alim with a quantity of goods, such as cloth, spices, coffee beans, which the latter could sell to finance his activities. Merchants are also said to have helped members of the ulama finance larger trade ventures toward the same end. In addition to the distribution of largesse, merchants and other notables also subsidized members of the ulama and Sufi shaykhs through acts of hospitality. This often took the form of feasts provided for shaykhs and their followers on various holy days or the provision of permanent or semi-permanent housing. The provision of hospitality to scholars, saints, and students is a motif that appears constantly in both written hagiographies and oral traditions.

Merchants might make their homes available to learned individuals on an ad hoc basis. During the 1920s, for example, a hide merchant and follower of the Qadiriyya named Uways Nuur, from the Bendawow lineage, often hosted a certain Shaykh Ooyey al-Qadiri from Jawhar, of the Abgaal, along with his followers. His hospitality usually consisted of providing them with food and occasionally lodging during their stay. Similarly during the 1930s, Hadi al-Barawi, a Barawe merchant living in Bardheere, frequently offered passing scholars lodging for a night or two in exchange for prayers of blessing or lessons in ilm. Hospitality could also take the form of more long-term and concrete investment. Two vivid examples of this are recorded in the oral traditions of Barawe.

The first centers around the Ahmadiyya shaykh and alim Mahmud Waciis, who settled in the town of Barawe from the Ogaden during the later nineteenth century: “Shaykh Mahmud Waciis came to Barawe in the middle of the night and encountered Shaykh Nurayn Ahmad Sabr and said ‘I am here at the order of God. Take me to the house of Suudow Abrar [the pious wife of a wealthy merchant].’ Shaykh Nurayn escorted him there and when they arrived at the correct house the former shouted out to her that he had a guest. At this she is said to have replied, ‘Is it Shaykh Mahmud Waciis?’ And both Shaykhs were filled with wonder at her foreknowledge.” The Shaykh is reputed to have remained in the house of Suudow Abrar until his death some years later (Funzi 1994).

Another example of relatively large-scale largesse was the case of the wealthy Barawe merchant Abd al-Qadir b. Shaykh Ismaan, known more commonly as Shaykh bin Shaykh. Oral traditions about the Shaykh b. Shaykh family state that following the death of the Qadiri leader Shaykh Uways Muhammad in 1909, no one dared buy his house in Barawe for fear that it was inhabited by jinn or spirits. As a result it remained unoccupiedfor months after his death. One night, however, Shaykh Uways came to Shaykh b. Shaykh in a dream and instructed him to buy the house. Shaykh b. Shaykh, who was not then as wealthy as he was to become, borrowed a large amount of money from his relatives and purchased the deceased holy man’s house. Following this, it became the principal place of residence for all Qadiri ulama visiting Barawe, who stayed as the guests of Shaykh b. Shaykh for both long and short periods of time (Shaykh bin Shaykh 1994). Finally, merchants and notables also made long term financial and material commitments to the education of future ulama and religious notables. In addition to entertaining and housing religious practitioners,some urban merchants provided extensive aid to students who came from other parts of the region to study with local scholars. These patrons paid for the subsistence of the students during their stay and built and maintained special student hostels where students resided during the course of their studies. In addition, a local notable might establish a waqf or endowment to finance the education of an individual student. The creation of a waqf for an individual rather than an institution, such as a mosque or school, is unusual and the extent of this practice in the Benaadir is unknown. However, there is at least one recorded instance of such an individual waqf. The hagiography of Shaykh Nurayn Ahmad Sabr indicates that on at least two separate occasions the Shaykh initiated endowments for the purpose of financing the religious education of the future children of two Mogadishu Sharifs. Given the well-established connection between merchants and religion, it is not surprising that Sufi ritual became an integral part of urban life.

Urban Woes and the Social Lens of Hagiography

One way to explain the proliferation of the turuq and the manaqib that grew up around them is to consider them a way for adherents to discuss the problems of society in relation to the crises of the period. Rather than constituting purely laudatory accounts of the miracles of various holy men, the literature produced by the turuq was a genre that presented the sacred as a remedy for secular ills. The use of manaqib as eulogistic literature dates to tenth- and eleventh-century Maghreb, where the first biographies dedicated to ascetics and martyrs appeared.

From this point onward in Islamic history the genre became a favorite vehicle of religious orders, especially Sufi turuq, whose adepts wished to venerate their founders and more distinguished adherents using the written word. The founders of the Qadiriyya and Ahmadiyya orders, Shaykh Abd al-Qadir Jilani and Ahmad b. Idris, were memorialized in such compilations. This genre remained a hallmark of Sufis through the nineteenth century. Thus it should come as no surprise that with the appearance of well-organized Sufi congregations in the Benaadir came the production of the first locally composed manaqib.

The emergence of manaqib as a written genre of literature in Somalia appears to be directly linked to the local renaissance of the Qadiriyya and Ahmadiyya Sufi orders during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The earliest known collections are dedicated to the first generation of scholar-saints, who are credited with the Sufi revival. According to current Sufi leaders and adherents, these collections served to memorialize the saints and to educate new initiates about the tariqa. As such, they were generally recited during weekly, or even nightly, meetings, known as dhikr, and during annual ceremonies, known as ziara, held to mark the anniversary of the death of a particular saint. Recitals also occurred on a much more informal basis, however, taking place during what B.W. Andrzejewski described as “ad hoc situations, round the evening camp fires in the interior,” or “at parties in private houses in towns”. These were written exclusively in Arabic, which Somali urbanites considered the only proper language of public oratory. Running translations into Somali were generally provided at all such events for the benefit of less-educated adepts and casual observers.

Andrzejewski suggests that such oral performances provided the manaqib with a public audience that went far beyond the boundaries of an individual tariqa. He notes that while hagiographic stories were often heard during religious events, they also found their way “into ordinary conversation, especially when people discuss some difficult or unusual situation or reminisce about similar things in the past”. Andrzejewski’s comments highlight two important aspects of the genre. First, it existed as a distinct form of oral literature, which was widely known and used in both rural and urban society. Second, and more importantly, individual stories could be used to illuminate particular social problems. The observations put forward by Andrzejewski were based on evidence gathered during the 1950s and 1960s. However, the presence of hagiographic accounts in Somali oral literature can be demonstrated for a much earlier period. One of the earliest examples comes from Richard Burton, who, in his 1856 First Footsteps in East Africa, related a story told to him by a local alim about the saint Sayyid Yuusuf al-Baghdadi, who vanquished the infamous magician Bucur Bacar, supposed progenitor of the Yibir group of outcasts (72–73). Several other nineteenth-century European writers also noted the existence of oral hagiographies, albeit usually about somewhat mythical saints.

These early accounts point to the possibility that a hagiographic tradition was present in Somali oral literature before the Sufi revival of the late nineteenth century. The emergence of the turuq and their tradition of written hagiography, therefore, seems to have provided a new vehicle of transmission, written text, for an already existing genre of literature. Oral versions of many of the stories recorded about the scholar-saints in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries appear to have circulated widely before they were committed to paper. Shaykh Abd al-Rahman Umar noted that the manaqib of the Qadiri shaykh Abd al-Rahman Zaylai contained in Jala al-Aynayn were “drawn from the learned, and the mouths of men, and the loving brothers of the tariqa”.  Similarly, in other collections, the oral roots of the manaqib are presented as validating their authenticity. In each work the compiler provides a chain of transmission, silsila, for every story. Such chains begin with the person from whom the compiler received the story and proceeds backward in time, listing each transmitter of a manqabah and ending with the person who is said to have witnessed the actual event. Such chains are modeled upon similar chains, known as isnad, used to validate the pedigree of hadith, the sayings of the Prophet. The social utility of various oral genres among the Somali has been amply demonstrated by numerous researchers. The late B.W. Andrzejewski and Said Samatar have demonstrated the various political and social uses of Somali oral poetry, while Lee Cassanelli has illustrated the uses of historical tradition and the histories of individual clans in the definition of social relationships and identities among pastoral groups. If, as Andrzejewski maintains, manaqib are simply another category of oral literature within the Somali repertoire, then it can be argued that they, like other genres, also hold social meaning. Many of the issues confronted and remedied by the saints of the manaqib were physical threats to both urban and rural society: famine, physical insecurity, and epidemic illnesses such as smallpox. In other instances, the issues were moral in character, involving social concerns such as public morality and local tradition versus Islamic “orthodoxy.” Many stories in the hagiographic literature center on public morality and piety.

Such episodes invariably pit pious saints against impious, or at least morally misguided, townsmen. This could be viewed merely as the moral invective of holy men against the apparent evils of the secular world. An examination of these stories within the social and economic context of the late-nineteenth-century Benaadir coast suggests that they may also mirror a widespread belief of the time that local society was suffering from a genuine moral and social crisis, one which could only be remedied by turning to God and religion. This is demonstrated by the first miracle recorded in the hagiography of Shaykh Uways b. Muhammad, al-Jawhar al-Nafis, which is quoted above. The written manaqib does not state the exact nature of the abomination known as hiikow. Oral versions suggest that it was a licentious dance which was performed either by the townspeople or by their slaves. In the latter case, according to oral sources, merchants used the event and the carnival-like atmosphere that surrounded the weekly performances to attract customers. The written version links this immoral behavior directly to members of the urban elite, especially those involved in commerce: “Among them were the Ashraf, merchants, notables, clan elders, rulers, patrons and people of the ships. All of them assisted and participated in this abominable practice until the breasts of the ulama contracted [with anguish]”. It was only the appearance of Uways, according to the hagiographer,that led to the immediate and miraculous renunciation of “the abomination” by the parties concerned, the reconciliation between merchants and ulama, and the adoption of the Qadiriyya tariqa by the townsmen. In another instance of immoral behavior amongst the mercantile elite, rather than a pious Shaykh rescuing townsmen from the path of immorality, irate townsmen plotted the downfall of an overzealous qadi and Sufi saint, Nurayn Ahmad Sabr. During the reign of the Zanzibari Sultan Sayyid Barghash (1870–1888), the Ahmadiyya Shaykh Nurayn Ahmad Sabr was appointed qadiover the town of Barawe. According to both oral and written hagiographies, the Shaykh favored a strict interpretation of Islamicsharia over the use of local customary law, or xeer. Oral versions of this story emphasize that this privileging of “orthodoxy” clashed with the customs of certain Barawan lineages which, in contradiction to Islamic law, excluded women from inheriting wealth or property, thus limiting the distribution of wealth to the agnatic line. Because of this conflict, the written hagiography states, many local notables and merchants wanted to remove the Shaykh from his position of power. Leading citizens wrote to the Zanzibari Sultan making false claims about his lack of competence in the law and clamoring for his removal. The Sultan resolved to have the qadi arrested and brought in chains to Zanzibar for punishment. The Shaykh, by virtue of his karama, or holy qualities, avoided the trap set for him by the jealous townsmen and proceeded to Zanzibar in order to refute the charges against him. He was received by the Sultan and tested by members of the Zanzibari ulama who proclaimed that he was an erudite scholar worthy of his post. The Sultan then denounced those who had leveled the charges against the Shaykh and ordered his reinstatement as the qadiof Barawe  Shaykh Nurayn’s problems apparently did not end here. Another story from the same collection relates that an unnamed town “leader” attempted to assassinate the controversial Shaykh.

One of the leaders of Barawe, who harbored ill will against the Shaykh, went one night to Balad al-Rahma18 with ill intent, accompanied by one of his askaris [soldiers]. As they drew near to the house of the Shaykh . . . they saw a person appear by the door whose shape was like that of the Shaykh’s . . . there was no doubt of it being Shaykh Nurayn. The askari fired his rifle and wounded the person, who fell to the ground. The two thought that they had killed him; but they had not. It seems that the deceased was a cow . . . And when the leader came to know that he had not killed Shaykh Nurayn with the rifle he began to keep watch on the affair for fear that it would reach the government of the Italian Company. Certainly, the above anecdotes cannot be taken as faithful representations of “historical fact.” On the other hand, to categorize them as merely religious polemic robs them of their potential value for the social historian. Instead, I suggest, the above manaqib constitute commentary on the many social and economic maladies of the late nineteenth century—ills brought about by a perceived immorality and impiety of the urban elite that could only be remedied through a return to piety in the forms of the Sufi turuq and the sharia.

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